
Oass. 
Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 





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BHI6-. GELT. WILLIAM IRVINE 



AN 



HISTORICAL ACCOUNT 



Expedition against Sandusky 



UNDER 



COL. WILLIAM CRAWFORD 
IN I782 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, PERSONAL REMINISCENCES, AND 
DESCRIPTIONS OF INTERESTING LOCALITIES 



INCLUDING, ALSO, DETAILS OF THE DISASTROUS RETREAT, THE 

BARBARITIES OF THE SAVAGES, AND THE AWFUL 

DEATH OF CRAWFORD BY TORTURE 



C.'W. BUTTERFIELD 










CINCINNATI 




OBERT CLARKE & CO 




1873 





Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year 1873, 

By C. W. BUTTERFIELD, 

In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 









Prefatory. 



Crawford's campaign was one of the most notable of 
the distinct military enterprises of the Western Border 
War of the Revolution. Nevertheless, it has heretofore 
•found but little space upon the page of American History. 
This, however, is not surprising, when we consider that 
its most striking incidents occurred within a brief space of 
time, and beyond the bounds of western civilization. 

On account of the paucity of authoritative published 
statements relating to the expedition, I have been com- 
pelled, from the commencement, to depend, to a consider- 
able extent, upon authorities in manuscript. Nor can this 
be regretted, as it has caused the pushing of investigations, 
whenever practicable, to fountain sources. I have relied 
upon traditions, only when better testimony was wanting; 
and not even then, without careful consideration and the 
closest scrutiny. It is believed, therefore, as much relia- 
bility has been attained as could well be, concerning events 
transpiring mostly beyond the extreme western frontier of 
our country during the turbulent period of its struggle for 
independence. 

The melancholy fate of Crawford caused a profound 
sensation throughout the United States. Washington was 
greatly affected by it. He made it the subject of a special 



iv Prefatory. 



communication to Congress. So prominent a soldier and 
citizen had not, during the Revolution, met such a cruel 
death. It took a strong and lasting hold upon the sympathies 
of the people. Pennsylvania and Ohio — each, in naming 
a county in honor of him — have done signal justice to his 
memory. "The fate of this unfortunate officer has ex- 
cited, and will continue to excite, so long as the history of 
the West shall be read, the most painful interest and the 
liveliest sympathy." I have attempted faithfully to record 
the leading incidents of his life, and to narrate, with par- 
ticularity, the circumstances attending its close. 

To James Veech, Esq., of Allegheny, Pennsylvania; 
Hon. William Walker, of Wyandotte City, Kansas ; Dr. 
William A. Irvine, of Irvine, Warren county, Pennsyl- 
vania ; John D. Sears, Esq., of Upper Sandusky, Ohio; 
and Robert A. Sherrard, Esq., of Steubenville, Ohio, I 
beg to express my sincere acknowledgments for their un- 
remitting endeavors to aid me. To the many friends who 
have in various ways kindly assisted me, I take pleasure 
in tendering my warmest thanks. The custodians of the 
public archives at Washington and Harrisburg have fur- 
nished valuable materials ; as also have the officers of the 
Western Reserve Historical Society at Cleveland, and the 
Librarian of the State Library at Columbus. 

In the preparation of this work I have sought to give 
the real motives which actuated the patriotic borderers in 
marching into the wilderness ; and have endeavored, by 



Prefatory. 



untiring effort, to bring before the public such particulars 
of the campaign as seemed worthy of perpetuation. It will 
be seen that it was not an unauthorized expedition — a sud- 
den and wild maraud ; but was set on foot by the proper 
authority, and carefully and considerately planned ; that, 
instead of unfurling the black flag and marching with an 
intention to massacre inoffensive Indians, as has been 
so frequently charged, it moved under the banner of the 
United States, and for the sole purpose of destroying en- 
emies, not only of the western frontier, but of our common 
country, thereby to give ease and security to the border. 

C. W. B. 

Bucyrus, Crawford County, Ohio, May, 1S73. 



PORTRAIT OF IRVINE AND THE IRVINE PAPERS. 



The portrait of Brigadier-General William Irvine, facing 
the title-page of this work, is from an oil painting by B. 
Otis, a celebrated portrait painter of Philadelphia, after 
one by Robert Edge Pine, an eminent English artist, who 
came to America in 1784. The original was taken in New 
York, when Irvine was a member of Congress, — aged 
forty-eight. 

Extracts from letters of Irvine, in the following pages, 
are from originals, or from copies in his own handwriting 
or that of Lieut. John Rose, his aid-de-camp — with few 
exceptions, which are noted. Quotations from letters to 
Irvine are from originals, unless otherwise stated. Most 
of these letters are in the collection of Dr. William A. 
Irvine, grandson of the General. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I.— War upon the Western Border of Pennsylvania and 

Virginia. 1777 — 1781, I 

CHAPTER II.— Brigadier-General William Irvine in Command at 
Fort Pitt — Affairs in the Western Department. October, 1781 — 
April, 1782, 16 

CHAPTER III.— An Expedition Projected in Western Pennsylvania 

against Sandusky. April 4 — May 7, 17S2, . . . . 49 

CHAPTER IV. — Rendezvousing and Organization of the Sandusky 

Expedition. 15-24^1 May, 1782, 62 

CHAPTER V.— Biographical Sketch of William Crawford. 1732— 

1782, 81 

CHAPTER VI.— Sketches of the Officers under Crawford, . . 121 

CHAPTER VII.— March of the Army from Mingo Bottom to San- 
dusky. 25th May — 4th June, 1782, 136 

CHAPTER VIII.— Preparations by the Enemy to Repel the Ameri- 
cans, 157 

CHAPTER IX.— Sketch of Simon Girty, the White Savage, . . 182 

CHAPTER X.— Battle of Sandusky— June 4, 1782, . . . .202 

CHAPTER XL— Retreat of the American Army. June 5-6, 1782, 214 

CHAPTER XII.— Battle of Olentangy— Return of the Americans. 

June 6-14, 1782, 233 

CHAPTER XIII.— Alarm of the Border— Determined Spirit of the 

Bordermen, ........... 258 



x Contents. 

CHAPTER XIV.— Personal Incidents and Sketches, . . .281 

CHAPTER XV.— Stragglers Captured by the Savages, . . .311 
CHAPTER XVI.— Captives in the Wilderness— Indian Barbarities, 327 

CHAPTER XVII.— James Paull— His Escape from Death— His Sub- 
sequent Career, -. 362 

CHAPTER XVIIL— Dr. John Knight's Escape through the Ohio Wil- 
derness. 13th June — 4th July, 1782, 369 

CHAPTER XIX.— A Race for Life— Escape of John Slover from 

Mac-a-Chack, . 375 

CHAPTER XX.— Awful Death of Crawford by Torture, nth June, 

1782, 379 



COL. CRAWFORD'S 
Expedition against Sandusky, 



IN 1782. 



CHAPTER I. 



WAR UPON THE WESTERN BORDER OF PENNSYLVANIA AND VIR- 
GINIA. 1777— 17S1. 

AT the commencement of the struggle of the Amer- 
ican colonies for independence, the scattered set- 
tlements west of the Allegheny mountains had little to 
fear from the hostile armies of Great Britain. Their 
dread was of a more merciless foe. Nor were their 
fears groundless ; for the Indians of the Northwest, in- 
fluenced by British gold and the machinations of En- 
glish traders and emissaries, soon gave evidence of hostile 
intentions. Explanations by the Americans that the 
questions in dispute could not affect their interests, were 
made in vain. It was to no purpose that they were 
exhorted to take part on neither side. Painted and 
plumed warriors were early upon the war-path, carrying 
death and destruction to the dismayed borderers — the 
direct result of a most ferocious policy inaugurated by 



Crawford* s Expedition 



England — cc letting loose/' in the language of Chatham, 
" the horrible hell-hounds of savage war," upon the 
exposed settlements. 

The warfare thus begun was made up, on the side 
of the savages, of predatory incursions of scalping 
parties ; the tomahawk and scalping-knife sparing neither 
age nor sex, while the torch laid waste the homes of the 
unfortunate bordermen. As a natural consequence, re- 
taliatory expeditions followed. These were not always 
successful. At times, they were highly disastrous. 
Occasionally, however, the foe received a merited chas- 
tisement. At this day, it is difficult fully to appreciate 
the appalling dangers which then beset the frontiers ; 
for, to the natural ferocity of the savages, was added 
the powerful support of a civilized nation, great in her 
resources, whose western agents, especially at the begin- 
ning of the war, were noted for their brutality. 

The center of British power and influence, in the 
Northwest, was at Detroit, where Henry Hamilton, "a 
vulgar ruffian," was in command ; succeeded, however, be- 
fore the close of the war, by Arentz Schuyler de Peyster, 
who, although carrying out the policy of the British gov- 
ernment, did so in the spirit of a " high-toned gentle- 
man." Indian depredations received their inspiration 
and direction from this point. It was here the Wyan- 
dots from the Sandusky — a river flowing north through 
Sandusky Bay into Lake Erie — were enlisted in the in- 
terests of Great Britain. It was here these Indians and 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 



the Shawanese from the Scioto and Miami rivers — 
northern tributaries of the Ohio — received aid to mur- 
der, pillage, and destroy on the border settlements of 
Pennsylvania and Virginia. It was here other tribes 
were made close allies of Great Britain, for the express 
purpose of turning them loose upon peaceable set- 
tlers — upon unarmed men, and helpless women and 
children. 

The important post, however, of Fort Pitt — Pitts- 
burg — was, from the commencement of hostilities, in 
the possession of the Americans, and the center of gov- 
ernment influence and interest west of the Alleghenies. 
At the very beginning of the war of the Revolution, 
John Neville — afterward famous as a victim of the 
" Whisky Insurrection " — took possession of the di- 
lapidated fort, at the head of a body of Virginia militia, 
and held it until superseded by a Continental com- 
mand. His Indian policy was one of strict neutrality; 
powerless, it is true, with all the western tribes except 
the Delawares, who were located upon the Muskin- 
gum, 1 a northern affluent of the Ohio. In holding 
this tribe in check, he was aided by George Morgan, 
congressional agent of Indian affairs in the West, and 
by Moravian missionaries who had gathered together 
many of these Indians in establishments upon that 

1 So called, at that period, below the mouth of Sandy creek ; after- 
ward, however, known as the Tuscarawas, above the confluence of the 
Walhonding. 



Crawford' 's Expedition 



river, in what is now Tuscarawas county, Ohio, where 
they were taught the blessings of civilization and Chris- 
tianity. 

The frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia suffered 
terribly by this irregular warfare — legitimate, from the 
stand-point of the savages, but murderous and wanton 
in its instigators. On the 27th of July, Hamilton, 
at Detroit, had already sent out fifteen parties of Indi- 
ans, consisting of two hundred and eighty-nine braves, 
with thirty white officers and rangers, to prowl on the 
borders. In September, Fort Henry — Wheeling — was 
furiously attacked ; but, after a gallant defense, the 
assailants were repulsed, and withdrew across the Ohio. 

In the spring of 1778, there appeared upon the thea- 
ter of conflict a new element of destruction to help on 
the work of devastation and death — tories, outlaws, 
and deserters from the States ; renegades among the 
Indians — " of that horrid brood," wrote Hugh H. 
Brackenridge, of Pittsburg, in 1782, " called refugees, 
whom the devil has long since marked as his own." 2 
These desperadoes and go-betweens came well nigh 

2 Narratives of a Late Expedition against the Indians ; with an Ac- 
count of the Barbarous Execution of Col. Crawford ; and the Won- 
derful Escape of Dr Knight and John Slover from Captivity, in 
1782. Philadelphia: Printed hy Francis Bailey, in Market street. 
M,DCC,LXXIIL, p. 23, note. An X in the date, as will be seen, 
is accidentally omitted. This work is referred to in the following 
pages either as "Knight's Narrative," or " Slover's Narrative." 



inst Sandusky , 1782. 5 



changing the neutral policy of the Delawares to hostility 
against the Americans ; frustrated, however, by the 
prompt action of Brigadier-General Edward Hand, who 
had succeeded Neville in command at Fort Pitt, and 
by the undaunted courage of the missionaries upon the 
Muskingum. Other tribes were inflamed to a white 
heat of rapacity against the frontier settlements by the 
wiles of these wicked men. 

Pennsylvania and Virginia now began to bestir them- 
selves to protect their distant settlements. A force was 
raised to garrison the advanced posts upon the western 
borders. Congress also determined to make common 
cause with these suffering States. The new-born na- 
tion aroused itself to chastise the savage allies of Great 
Britain in the West. In May, 1778, Brigadier-General 
Lachlin Mcintosh, of the Continental army, succeeded 
Hand in command of the Western Department, of 
which the headquarters was Fort Pitt. He brought 
with him a small force of regulars, for the defense of 
the frontier and ulterior operations. Congress, in the 
meantime, having received official information of the real 
cause of the great activity of the western Indians, de- 
termined upon an expedition against Detroit ; rightfully 
concluding that the reduction of that post would be 
the quickest and surest way of bringing ease to the suf- 
fering border. 

Mcintosh, therefore, was ordered to move upon De- 
troit — the neutrality of the Delawares having mean- 



Crawford' s Expedition 



while been assured, at least for the present, by a treaty 
at Fort Pitt, on the 17th of September. He descended 
the Ohio with a force of regulars and militia, in the 
month of October, to the mouth of Beaver, 3 a northern 
tributary of that river, where, on the present site of the 
town of that name, about thirty miles below Pittsburg, 
he erected a fort, which was called, in honor of the pro- 
jector, Fort Mcintosh. It was a small work, built of 
strong stockades, and furnished with bastions mounting 
one six-pounder each — the first millitary post of the 
United States established beyond the frontier settle- 
ments, upon the Indian side of the Ohio. 

From the expensiveness of the undertaking, Congress 
was reluctantly compelled to abandon the expedition 
against Detroit. In lieu thereof, Mcintosh was ordered 
to proceed against any Indian towns, the destruction of 
which, in his opinion, would tend most effectually to 
intimidate and chastise the hostile savages. After due 
consideration, Mcintosh decided to move against San- 
dusky — a Wyandot town upon the upper waters of the 
river of that name — and contiguous villages and settle- 
ments. For that purpose, he marched into the wilder- 
ness westward, with a thousand men ; but, upon reach- 
ing the Muskingum, it was decided to proceed no further 
until spring. A halt was accordingly called, and a fort 
built near the site of the present town of Bolivar, in 

3 MS. Order-Book of General Mcintosh : Irvine Collection. 



inst Sandusky, 1782, 



Tuscarawas county, Ohio, on the west bank of the 
river, and called, in honor of the president of Congress, 
Fort Laurens. Leaving a garrison of one hundred 
and fifty men, under the command of Colonel John 
Gibson to protect the post, Mcintosh returned with 
the rest of his army to Fort Pitt. 

Colonel Gibson, at Fort Laurens, soon found him- 
self in an uncomfortable position. In January, 1779, 
several hundred British Indians laid siege to the fort, 
and continued its investment for six weeks, reducing the 
garrison to the verge of starvation. The savages were 
then compelled to return home, as their supplies had 
likewise become exhausted. Soon after the raising of the 
siege, Mcintosh arrived with provisions and a relief of 
seven hundred men. Colonel Gibson was succeeded by 
Major Frederick Vernon. Mcintosh having again re- 
turned to Fort Pitt, was afterward relieved by Colonel 
Daniel Brodhead, who now took the command of the 
Western Department. 4 

Fort Laurens, the first military post erected by the 
American government on any portion of the territory 
now constituting the State of Ohio, was finally evacu- 
ated in August ; not, however, until the garrison had 
again been reduced to terrible straits. With the aban- 
donment of this fort, ended the first campaign under- 
taken against Sandusky from the borders of Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia. Its failure was due not so much 

* Col. Brodhead's Order-Book : MS. From the Irvine Collection. 



Crawford' 's Expedition 



to the want of men, as to the lack of means — the sin- 
ews of war were wanting. Fort Mcintosh was also 
soon after abandoned, together with several smaller 
works of defense near the Ohio. 

The withdrawal of all forces from the Indian country 
caused great alarm and indignation in the settlements 
on the border. Early in 1780, a meeting of citizens 
was held in Westmoreland county — the then western 
frontier county of Pennsylvania, including all of the 
State west of the Laurel Hill — and resolutions passed 
requesting the re-occupation of the abandoned forts. 
But the pressure of the war upon the Atlantic States pre- 
vented this ; and nothing was left the borderers but to 
protect themselves as best they could. Small parties 
frequently pursued the Indians into the wilderness with 
good success; but now, to add to the general dismay, 
the Delawares, who had so long withstood the influ- 
ences and threats of the British and their savage allies, 
declared for war — only a small band remaining friendly 
to the Americans; the residue joined the Confederacy 
of the Northwest. 

Informed of the disaffection of the Delawares, Col- 
onel Brodhead organized an expedition against them. 
Nearly half his force was volunteers. Their rendezvous 
was at Fort Henry — Wheeling. They numbered about 
three hundred. They crossed the Ohio, and made a 
rapid march, by the nearest route, to the principal Del- 
aware village upon the Muskingum. It occupied the 



Against Sandusky^ 1782. 



site of the lower streets of the present town of Coshoc- 
ton, Ohio. The army reached the point of destination 
on the evening of the 19th of April, 178 1, completely 
surprising the Indians. Their town was laid waste, and 
fifteen of their warriors were killed and twenty taken 
prisoners. Another village, two and a half miles be- 
low, on the east bank of the river Muskingum, was 
also destroyed. Brodhead then proceeded up the val- 
ley to a town, the present site of Newcomerstown, Ox- 
ford township, Tuscarawas county, where he met some 
friendly Delawares who were then occupying the place. 
These Indians, placing themselves under the protection 
of the United States, accompanied the army on its re- 
turn to Fort Pitt. 

Before leaving the Muskingum, Brodhead sent for 
the Moravian missionaries, whose establishments were 
at no great distance up the valley, to confer with them 
upon the existing state of affairs. There were three vil- 
lages of the <c Christian Indians" — New Schonbrunn, 
Gnadenhiitten, and Salem, all situated within what is 
now Tuscarawas county. The missionaries from these 
contiguous villages soon made their appearance at Brod- 
head's camp, where they met a cordial welcome. The 
American commander advised them, in view of the hos- 
tile attitudeof the Delawares, their peculiar situation — 
"between two fires," and the increasing jealousy of the 
belligerents, to break up their establishments and ac- 



io Crawford 's Expedition 

company him to Pittsburg. This they declined doing, 
and they were left to their fate. 

The failure of Mcintosh, in his designs upon De- 
troit and the Wyandot towns upon the Sandusky, 
greatly discouraged further attempts in that direction. 
The heroic George Rogers Clark, however, under au- 
thority of Virginia, aided, to some extent, by Pennsyl- 
vania, now undertook the task of getting together a suf- 
ficient force to justify an attempt against the western 
Indians and Detroit. Brodhead, at Fort Pitt, was or- 
dered to aid him, with arms and ammunition, to the ex- 
tent of his power The troops were to rendezvous at 
the falls of the Ohio — Louisville; the Wyandot towns 
were to be the special object of attack. 

Much enthusiasm was manifested in the Western De- 
partment in aid of the expedition. The Pennsylvania 
force of one hundred and seven mounted men, under 
command of Colonel Archibald Lochry, the prothono- 
tary and lieutenant of Westmoreland county, on their 
way down the river to join Clark, was attacked by the 
Indians, from an ambush, about eleven miles below the 
mouth of the Great Miami river, in what is now the 
State of Indiana, and all killed or captured. This most 
unfortunate affair occurred on the 24th of August. 5 

5 Mc Bride's Pioneer Biography, vol. i, p. 273. A small stream, 
called Lochry's creek, perpetuates the memory and locality of this 
event. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 11 

Clark was reluctantly compelled to abandon the expe- 
dition. 

Without waiting the result of Clark's campaign, an 
expedition had been, in the meantime, concerted against 
Sandusky — Upper Sandusky, as it was sometimes called, 
to distinguish it from Lower Sandusky, a Wyandot 
town where Fremont, the county town of Sandusky 
county, Ohio, now stands — by Colonel Gibson, who 
had succeeded Brodhead in temporary command at Fort 
Pitt — so eager were the oppressed people of the border 
to destroy that most prolific hive of mischief to the 
frontier settlements. Extensive preparations were made, 
and troops ordered to rendezvous at Fort Mcintosh 
on the 4th and 5th of September. A large number of 
volunteers was enrolled, leading citizens of the Western 
Department taking an active part in the project and 
offering their services to Colonel Gibson for the cam- 
paign. But the borderers were doomed to disappoint- 
ment. There were insurmountable obstacles in thewav. 
The scheme was therefore abandoned. 

The western frontier was now menaced with a British 
and Indian invasion from Canada. The Department of 
the West was in confusion. Fort Pitt was little better 
than a heap of ruins. The regular force was wholly in- 
competent to the exigencies of the service. It con- 
sisted of the remains of the Eighth Pennsylvania and 
of the Seventh Virginia regiments. A dispute between 
Colonels Gibson and Brodhead, as to the command, 



12 Crawford's Expedition 

added greatly to the disorder. The garrison was in 
want of pay, of clothing, of even subsistence itself. 
The militia of the Department was without proper or- 
ganization ; and, when called into service, destitute, to 
a great extent, of military knowledge and discipline. 

The civil government of the country was even in a 
worse state than the military. A controversy had long 
existed between Pennsylvania and Virginia as to the 
ownership of what is now Southwestern Pennsylvania, 
including Pittsburg. Each asserted and exercised an 
organized jurisdiction. This had seriously embittered 
many individuals of the two States against each other. 
Nor was this personal and private excitement the worst 
consequences attending it. Public bodies of both States 
were affected by it. Violence and indecorum marked their 
conduct. Officers of each commonwealth acted oppres- 
sively. The people were divided in their allegiance. 
Arrests and counter-arrests were the order of the day. 
The controversy, however, as between the two govern- 
ments, ended in 1780; but the people, to a certain ex- 
tent, had come into open disrespect of their own State 
from having long contemned the authority of a neigh- 
boring one. Hence, there was a general restlessness, 
and a desire on the part of many to emigrate into the 
wilderness, beyond the Ohio, to form a new State. 

Such was the disorder — the confusion — which beset 
the Western Department at the moment of the threat- 
ened invasion. Washington fully appreciated the diffi- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 13 

culties. Something must be done, and done quickly. 
Above all things, a commander was needed at Fort Pitt, 
possessed not only of courage and firmness, but of 
prudence and judgment. The commander-in-chief, with 
great care and concern, looked about him for such a per- 
son. His choice for the position, after due deliberation, 
fell upon Brigadier-General William Irvine, of Carlisle, 
Pennsylvania, then at the head of the Second brigade of 
that State — a corps of great and merited distinction. 

Washington having communicated his decision to 
Congress, that body, on the 24th of September, ordered 
General Irvine to repair forthwith to Fort Pitt and 
take upon himself the command of the garrison at that 
post, and of the Western Department, until further or- 
ders. He was empowered by Congress to call in, from 
time to time, such aids of militia as would be necessary 
for the defense of the post under his command and the 
protection of the country. The executives of Virginia 
and Pennsylvania were requested to direct the proper 
officers of the militia in their respective States to obey 
such orders as they should receive from General Irvine 
for that purpose. 6 

At this period, the president of the Supreme Ex- 
ecutive Council of Pennsylvania — a body constituting 
the supreme executive power of the State — was de facto, 
as well as de jure, the governor of that commonwealth. 

6 Extract from Minutes of Congress, by Charles Thompson, Secre- 
tary : MS. 



14 Crawford's Expedition 

That office was held by William Moore, the councilor 
for Philadelphia, who notified the lieutenants of West- 
moreland and the new county of Washington — officers 
having a general command and supervision of military 
affairs therein — that, as the Council was disposed and 
had resolved to pay due respect to the requisitions of 
Congress and afford General Irvine all the assistance in 
its power; they should call forth, agreeable to law 
upon his requisitions, such militia as might be necessary 
for the defense of Fort Pitt and the protection of the 
country. 7 

Benjamin Harrison, governor of Virginia, did not, 
however, issue like orders to the lieutenants of Monon- 
galia and Ohio — border counties of that State — until 
in the following May; and when issued, were, practically 
inoperative, on account of an existing law, prohibiting 
the removal of the militia of Virginia beyond its lim- 
its. Moreover, the extended frontiers of these coun- 
ties, as they then existed, reaching from the northern 
end of the " Pan-handle " 8 to the waters of Middle 

7 MS. Instructions: October 11, 1781. Irvine Papers. 

8 " Tradition, in accounting for the strip of land driven in wedge- 
like between Ohio and Pennsylvania, constituting what is called the 
Pan-handle, states that it was owing to an error in reckoning that the 
five degrees of west longitude reached so far to the west, and that 
much dissatisfaction was excited when the result was definitely set- 
tled, as great importance was attached to the command of the Ohio 
river by the authorities of either State. 

" When the State of Ohio was formed, in 1802, the Pan-handle first 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 



Island creek, required all the able-bodied men of 
their sparse and scattered settlements for home pro- 
tection. 

showed its beautiful proportions on the map of the United States. It 
received its name in legislative debate, from Hon. John McMillan, 
delegate from Brooke county, to match the Accomac projection, which 
he dubbed the Spoon-handle." — History of Washington County. By 
Alfred Creigb, LL.D. App., pp. 36, 37. 



1 6 Crawford' s Expedition 



CHAPTER II. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL WILLIAM IRVINE IN COMMAND AT FORT PITT- 
AFFAIRS IN THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT. OCTOBER, 1781— APRIL, 
17S2. 

WILLIAM IRVINE, who had been ordered to 
the command of the Western Department, was 
born near Enniskillen, county Fermanagh, Ireland, on 
the 3d of November, 1741. His ancestors originally 
emigrated from Scotland. His grandfather was an of- 
ficer in the corps of grenadiers, which fought so gal- 
lantly at the battle of the Boyne. ' Of his parents we 
know less than we could wish, but enough to show 
that both were highly respectable. Not less so was the 
early life of William himself, which gave evidence of 
good character and superior abilities. 

Young Irvine's elementary education commenced at a 
grammar school in Enniskillen, and was completed at the 
College of Dublin. Having come to an age when it was 
proper to select a profession, his own choice led strongly 
to that of arms ; and a friend of the family — Lady Cole — 
went so far as to procure for him a cornetcy of dragoons ; 
but, owing to a quarrel with his colonel, he resigned his 
position. His parents then entered him a student of 
medicine and surgery, under the celebrated Cleghorn. 
That the pupil was worthy the preceptor may be fairly 
presumed from the fact that, on closing his studies, he 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 17 

was immediately appointed surgeon of a British ship of 
war. 

The incident last mentioned took place during the 
long contest between France and England, which began 
in 1754, and terminated in 1763, "when Wolfe and Am- 
herst conquered Canada," and £C the vast but frail fabric 
of French empire in the West crumbled to the dust." 
It was in the course of several years of hard and con- 
stant service, that, becoming acquainted with the con- 
dition of society in this country, he took the resolu- 
tion of seeking a professional establishment here; and 
accordingly, within a few months after the declaration 
of peace, arrived in America, followed subsequently by 
two brothers — Captain Andrew Irvine and Dr. Mathew 
Irvine, the celebrated "fighting surgeon" of Lee's 
Legion. 

Attracted by the number and character of his coun- 
trymen, who had located themselves in the interior of 
Pennsylvania, he made his way thither; and, in 1764, 
became a citizen of Carlisle. 1 Nor was he long in this 
new situation, until, by diligence and skill, he was able 
to recommend himself to general confidence, despite of 
manners habitually reserved, and sometimes seemingly 

1 Irvine married Anne Callender, daughter of Captain Robert Cal- 
lender, of Carlisle, who was largely engaged in the Indian trade, and 
who served in Braddock's campaign with credit and distinction. The 
result of this marriage was a family of ten children — five sons and five 
daughters. 

2 



1 8 Crawford's Expedition 

austere, and which utterly excluded the use of those 
gossiping and parasitical means so often and scandal- 
ously employed in giving birth and currency to medical 
fame. 

Irvine's personal ascendency, resting on foundations 
so little liable to change, continued unabated until, in 
1774, he was called to take part in the great political 
controversv which terminated in the independence of 
the colonies. To pilot Pennsylvania through the po- 
litical breakers, now foaming and dashing around her, 
safely into the Union, required great prudence, activity, 
and perseverance. There was the mischievous tendency 
to overcome of religious scruples ', which disaffected more 
than one important sect of the community. So, too, 
national prejudices had to be combated, which were in- 
separable from a population made up of different na- 
tions, habits, and languages. But, lastly, there was a 
proprietary influence to be overpowered, which, operating 
through the multiplied channels of friends and agents 
addressed itself alike to the hopes and fears of the 
whole community. 

That Pennsylvania was able to overcome all these 
mischievous tendencies was due to the wisdom and en- 
ergy of a few patriotic men, mostly of Scotch-Irish 
descent, of whom Irvine was one. 

As a first step in the right direction, it was agreed 
that a meeting should be held in Philadelphia, to be 
followed, in rapid succession, by similar assemblages in 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 19 

the eleven counties of the province. The meeting 
took place in Philadelphia, on the 1 8th of June; and 
on the 15th of July a provincial convention came 
together in that city, which promptly concurred in 
recommending the selection and sitting of a general 
congress. It denounced the Boston port bill as uncon- 
stitutional, expressed its sympathies with the sufferers 
under it, and declared its willingness and determination 
to make any sacrifice necessary for the support of 
American rights. Of this convention Irvine was a 
diligent and active member. 

In January, 1776, Irvine was appointed to raise and 
command a regiment which became the Sixth of the 
Pennsylvania line, though afterward numbered the Sev- 
enth. The activity put into this new service was 
highly creditable to the commander and his subordinate 
officers ; as, in less than five months from the date of 
his instructions, we find the regiment raised, clothed, 
and equipped, and marched to the mouth of the river 
Sorrel, in Canada, and on the 10th of June uniting 
with Thompson's brigade in the unsuccessful attempt 
made by that corps to surprise the vanguard of the 
British army, then stationed at Trois Rivieres. 

In this enterprise, the commanding general and Col- 
onel Irvine, with about two hundred subordinates 
and privates, who formed the head of the attack, were 
made prisoners and carried to Quebec — a misfortune 
sufficiently great in itself, but much aggravated, in 



io Crawford' s Expedition 

the present case, by the fact that though there were 
prisoners of commensurate rank ready for exchange, 
yet, from some misunderstanding between the two gov- 
ernments or their agents, Colonel Irvine was not ex- 
changed until the 6th of May, 1778, although released 
on parol on the 3d of August after his capture. To 
compensate him, in some degree, for a mortification, 
so severe and long continued, he was promoted to the 
command of the Second Pennsylvania brigade; and, on 
the 12th of May, 1779, was commissioned brigadier- 
general. 2 

From the date of Irvine's exchange as a prisoner of 
war his career was a highly honorable one, both as 
patriot and soldier. He saw considerable active service 
in the army, especially distinguishing himself at Mon- 
mouth by an advance through Lee's retreating troops — 
concerning which history has been unjustly silent; his 
march, the night after Arnold's treachery became known, 
to the defense of West Point, shows the great confi- 
dence reposed in him by Washington. He had already 
acquired a knowledge of the traitor's character, and had 
not been backward in giving information concerning it 
to the commander-in-chief. 

2 Rogers' Amer. Biog., p. 252 ; Drake's Die. Amer. Biog., article Ir- 
vine; The Olden Time, vol. ii, pp. 479, 480. The article in the first 
of these authorities was written by Gen. John Armstrong, author of 
the " Newburgb Letters" of 1783. He was Secretary of War in 
181 2-13, and a historian of the war of 181 2-1 5. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 21 

He was the preference of Washington for the com- 
mand of the Pennsylvania troops to be sent South, but 
Wayne, being his senior, was placed at the head of the 
corps, although most of the men had been recruited 
and got together by Irvine's exertions. He was, how- 
ever, too sincere a patriot to complain ; but he often 
said, afterward, that he would have infinitely preferred 
the southern command to the isolation and comparative 
inaction at Fort Pitt ; yet, as we shall soon see, his 
prudence there was of as much value to the common 
cause as perhaps his activity would have been been in 
the southern campaign. 

Immediately after General Irvine's appointment to 
the command of the Western Department, he repaired 
to Fort Pitt and began the task of putting that work in 
a tolerable state of repair, to meet the emergencies which 
might arise in case of an attack by the enemy. New 
pickets were prepared ; and, to encourage the comple- 
tion of the improvements proposed, Irvine aided in 
the labor with his own hands. This had a happy ef- 
fect. Every officer followed his example. The great- 
est activity prevailed. In a short time the fort was put 
in a much better condition for a successful defense than 
it had been since 1764. It was probably this which in- 
duced the abandonment of the contemplated invasion 
from Canada, as Fort Pitt was to have been the object- 
ive point of the invaders. 

General Irvine next addressed himself to the task of 



Crawford's Expedition 



reforming the regulars under his command. He had 
been ordered, by Congress, to arrange the troops in 
such a manner as to retain no more officers than were 
absolutely necessary for the number of non-commis- 
sioned officers and privates, and to arrange the staff- 
departments so as to retain no more officers or persons 
than the service demanded. He, therefore, now began 
the work. The Eighth Pennsylvania regiment was so 
reduced that only two companies could be formed from 
it. These he called <c a detachment of the Pennsylvania 
line." Colonel Gibson had, some time before, been 
ordered to reform his regiment, the Seventh Virginia, 
into two companies, which had been effected previous 
to the arrival of General Irvine. The supernumerary 
officers of the Pennsylvania troops were ordered to re- 
pair forthwith to their proper regiments in the Pennsyl- 
vania line; and orders had been issued, by Colonel 
Gibson, to the supernumeraries of his regiment, to re- 
turn to Virginia; "but the officers were so distressed, 
for want of clothing and other necessaries," wrote Ir- 
vine to Washington, on the 2d of December, C£ that 
they were not able to proceed!" The writer adds: 
" however, they are now making exertions, and, I hope, 
will soon set out." 

If such was the condition of the superior officers, 
what must have been the plight of the rank and file! 
We will let General Irvine answer. In his letter to 
Washington, just mentioned, he said: C< I never saw 



Against Sandusky, 1782. • 23 

troops cut so truly a deplorable figure. No man would 
believe, from their appearance, that they were soldiers; 
nay, it was difficult to determine whether they were 
white men!" But the commander did not despair. 
Under his supervision there was an immediate improve- 
ment. " Though they do not yet come up to my 
wishes they are some better," is his hopeful language. 
The quartermaster's department next engaged his atten- 
tion. The contractors were also called to account. 
And then, for the first time, was there a chance for the 
general tc turn his attention to the state of the border. 

The post at Wheeling (Fort Henry) was found to 
have a garrison of one Continental officer and fifteen 
privates. Irvine did not see how he could spare any 
of the soldiers at Fort Pitt for their relief. The latter 
were so few and so ill provided for, so irregular, and, 
in every respect, so unlike soldiers, that it seemed ab- 
solutely necessary they should be kept together as much 
as possible for the present. Neither did the com- 
mander desire to make haste to draw out the citizens 
of the different counties for tours of military duty. 
He would try whether enough volunteers could not be 
obtained to take the place of the men at Fort Henry. 
In case of failure, however, he resolved to call out, for 
that purpose, according to law, a sufficient number of 
the militia. 

On the 1 8th of November, Irvine wrote to James 
Marshal, lieutenant of Washington county — which 



24 Crawford' 's Expedit 



ton 



then comprehended all the territory west of the Mo- 
nongahela and south of the Ohio, to the State line — 
asking him to engage, if practicable, £C one discreet, in- 
telligent subaltern officer, with six or seven men," to 
march to the relief of the garrison, at Wheeling, " to 
take charge of the post by the ist of December, at 
furthest, and to remain there till the ist of March, un- 
less socmer discharged or relieved — they to be allowed 
for it as having served a tour of militia duty, and 
every other emolument and allowance, agreeable to law." 
If this force could not be engaged as volunteers, then 
Marshal was to order out one subaltern, one sergeant, 
one corporal, and fifteen privates of the militia; and, 
when ready to march, they were to be sent to Fort Pitt 
for instructions. 

C£ I can not comply with your requisition," was the 
answer of Marshal, two days after, " of engaging a num- 
ber of men for the defense of Fort Wheeling, as I am 
heartily tired out with volunteer plans." But he was 
ready and willing to obey orders : " I shall order out, 
according to class, the number of militia you have de- 
manded, and order the officer to wait upon you for in- 
structions." Marshal made good his word. Lieuten- 
ant Hay. waited upon General Irvine; and, on the 
28th, received his orders "to proceed to Wheeling 
with the detachment under his command, there to re- 
lieve the garrison of Continental troops — taking upon 
himself the charge of the post." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 25 

These instructions of Irvine evince the thoughtful 
care he was already beginning to exercise over the bor- 
ber : cc I do not apprehend any danger of an attack, 
during the winter season, of any considerable number 
of the enemy; notwithstanding, you ought to be vigi- 
lant, and guard against surprise, which a few skulking 
savages might effect if you should prove unwatchful, 
and which would not fail of bringing disgrace on you, 
and might be attended with fatal consequences to the 
inhabitants of the settlements, the protection of whom 
is the main object of your being posted there." 3 The 
officer was enjoined, in case of an attack, to maintain 
his post to the last extremity, and to give the earliest 
notice possible to the country, that the citizens might 
come to his support. 

General Irvine now turned his attention to the con- 
dition of the country generally. He found the people, 
on account of the failure of Clark's and Gibson's 
expeditions, in the greatest consternation and utmost 
despair; particularly in Westmoreland county, Loch- 
ry's party being all the best men of their frontier. In 
his letter to Washington, of December 2d, Irvine 
said: c< At present, the people talk of flying, early in 
the spring, to the eastern side of the mountain; and 
are daily flocking to me to inquire what support they 
may expect." It was very generally believed, and the 

3 MS. Instructions: Irvine to Hav. 



16 Crawford' s Expedition 

commander himself shared in the opinion, that the fail- 
ure of Clark and Gibson would greatly encourage the 
savages to fall on the frontiers with double fury, in the 
coming spring. 

Irvine soon found that a favorite scheme, over all 
the country, was an attack on Detroit. He, therefore, 
set at work to investigate the subject. He gave to 
his commander-in-chief, in the letter already men- 
tioned, the information he had obtained and his views 
upon the propriety of the undertaking: " It is, I be- 
lieve, universally agreed that the only way to keep In- 
dians from harassing the country is to visit them. But 
we find, by experience, that burning their empty towns 
has not the desired effect. They can soon build others. 
They must be followed up and beaten, or the British, 
whom they draw their support from, totally driven 
out of their country. I believe if Detroit was demol- 
ished, it would be a good step toward giving some, 
at least, temporary ease to this country." In a pecu- 
niary point of view the project commended itself to the 
judgment of the commander, and he further explained 
to Washington : il I have been endeavoring to form 
some estimate, from such information as I can collect; 
and I really think that the reduction of Detroit would 
not cost much more, nor take many more men, than 
it will take to cover and protect the country by acting 
on the defensive." The answer of Washington, written 
the 1 8th of December, was but a reflex of Irvine's 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 



views: "I am convinced that the possession or de- 
struction of Detroit is the onlv means of giving peace 
and security to the western frontier." But he added : 
" When we shall have it in our power to accomplish so 
desirable an end I do not know." And again, on the 
21st, he wrote: " Whether we shall or shall not be in 
a condition to prosecute an enterprise against Detroit, 
in any short time, I do not know." 

As it was now December, and the cold weather had 
fairly set in, no more trouble was apprehended from the 
Indians until the early days of spring. Irvine, therefore, 
saw no necessity for calling out any more militia for 
the present. He had fully informed himself with regard 
to the condition of affairs in his department, and had 
communicated freely with Washington, also with Con- 
gress, and the Board of War, concerning the most im- 
portant matters. Nevertheless, there were many meas- 
ures deemed weighty, concerning which Irvine believed 
it would be better to confer directly with Congress and 
his commander-in-chief. As early, therefore, as the 3d 
of December, he wrote to the former: " I think proper 
measures would be better concerted by my being present, 
either with Congress or General Washington ; as there 
are many things which, on such occasions, can not 
be so well committed to paper." He had already in- 
formed Washington that he was pretty certain it might 
be of use for him to go down to Philadelphia, in order 
the better to communicate with the government. He 



28 Crawford" 's Expedition 

thought the succeeding three months could be well 
employed by him there — better than at his post in the 
Western Department. The commander-in-chief, in a 
letter of the 21st, notified Irvine that permission had 
been granted him to repair to Congress, that the bene- 
fit of his advice might be had in digesting measures for 
the security of the frontier. So he made preparations 
for setting out. 

On the 10th of January, 1782, Marshal, of Wash- 
ington county, was ordered by Irvine to call out one 
subaltern, one sergeant, and fifteen privates of the 
militia, to relieve Lieutenant Hay and his garrison at 
Fort Henry, by the 1st of February. He then sent 
the sub-lieutenants of Westmoreland — Edward Cook 
and others — also the lieutenant, of Washington county, 
a circular letter, informing them that he was to go 
down to Philadelphia on public business connected 
with his department ; that he was not certain what length 
of time he might be detained there ; and that, during 
his absence, Col. Gibson would have command. As 
he was apprehensive there might be a necessity for call- 
ing out the militia before his return — especially as his 
garrison must continue to be employed in repairing 
Fort Pitt — they should, on the requisition of Gibson, 
who would be the best judge when such necessity might 
arise, order out such numbers as he should call for, not 
exceeding fifty, for one tour of duty ; the tour not to 
exceed one month's time. " I hope," said Irvine, " to 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 29 

return by the 1st of March, before which time I pre- 
sume there will not be much danger of any damage be- 
ing done; at the same time, I think it most prudent to 
take every proper precaution. " On the 15th, Irvine 
issued his last order before setting out on his journey: 
<f As the General will be absent some time, he requests 
Col. Gibson to use every exertion to put the post in as 
good a state of defense as possible. For this purpose 
he will employ the garrison whenever the weather will 
admit." 4 This was a wise precaution, as it was after- 
ward ascertained that the Indians had concerted, at 
their villages, during the winter, an expedition against 
Fort Pitt; but learning, by two deserters from the 
Falls of the Ohio, of the state of its repairs, they 
abandoned the project. The commander then left for 
Philadelphia, taking Carlisle on his way, for a visit 
to his family. 

Colonel John Gibson, put in command of the West- 
ern Department, by General Irvine, was born at Lan- 
caster, Pennsylvania, on the 23d of May, 1740. He re- 
ceived a classical education, and was an excellent scholar 
at the age of eighteen, when he entered the service. 
He made his first campaign under General Forbes, in 
the expedition which resulted in the acquisition of Fort 
Du Quesne — afterward Fort Pitt— from the French. 
At the peace of 1763 he settled at this post as a trader. 

4 MS. Order-Book of General Irvine: Irvine Collection. 



^o Crawford *s Expedition 

Shortly after this, war broke out with the Indians, and 
Gibson was taken prisoner, at the mouth of Beaver 
creek, together with two men who were in his employ- 
ment, while descending the Ohio in a canoe. One of 
the men was immediately burned, and the other shared 
the same fate as soon as the party reached the Kenhawa. 
Gibson, however, was preserved by an aged squaw, and 
adopted by her in the place of her son, who had been 
killed in battle. He remained several years with the 
Indians, and became familiar with their language, hab- 
its, manners, customs, and traditions. At the termi- 
nation of hostilities he again settled at Fort Pitt. 

In 1774, Gibson acted a conspicuous part in the ex- 
pedition against the Shawanese, under Lord Dunmore; 
particularly in negotiating the peace which followed, 
and which restored many prisoners to their friends after 
a captivity of several years. It was upon this occasion, 
near the waters of the Scioto river, in what is now 
Pickaway county, Ohio, that Logan, the Mingo chief, 
delivered to Gibson the celebrated speech so renowned 
in history. 

The particulars of this memorable affair, as afterward 
given by Gibson, were, in effect, that when the troops 
had arrived at the principal Indian town, and while dis- 
positions were making preparatory to an attack, he was 
sent in with a flag, and authorized to treat for peace. 
As he approached the spot where the chiefs of the hos- 
tile tribes were assembled, he met Logan, whom he at 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 31 

once recognized. On opening the business to the as- 
sembled warriors, he found them sincerely desirous of 
peace; but the Mingo chief did not join in the con- 
ference. While the discussion was going on, Logan 
came up and beckoned Gibson aside. The former led 
the way to a copse at some distance. Here the two sat 
down, and the chief delivered the speech in his own 
tongue, 5 desiring that it might be conveyed to Lord 
Dunmore. It was accordingly translated and deliv- 
ered immediately afterward. 6 " This brief effusion of 
mingled pride, courage, and sorrow elevated the charac- 
ter of the native American throughout the intelligent 
world ; and the place where it was delivered can never 
be forgotten, so long as touching eloquence is ad- 
mired by men." 7 

On the breaking out of the Revolutionary war, 
Gibson was appointed to the command of one of the 
Continental regiments raised in Virginia, and served 
with the army at New York and in the retreat through 
New Jersey. He was then employed in the Western 
Department, where Irvine, upon his arrival at Fort 
Pitt, found him in temporary command of that post. 

5 This has been questioned, American Pioneer, vol. i, p. 18; but, in 
view of the fact that Gibson spoke the language of Logan fluently, I 
see no reason for doubting the statement. 

6 Howe's Hist. Coll. of Ohio, 407; Rogers' Amer. Biog., art. Gibson; 
Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. Boston: 1S29, pp. 66, 240, 248. 

7 Discourse by Chas. Whittlesey, Columbus, 1840. 



Crawford's Expedition 



Before the arrival of Irvine, an incident occurred 
which strikingly illustrates Gibson's braverv and in- 
trepidity. A few settlers on the Monongahela, near 
the mouth of Decker's creek, had been cut off by 
a war-party of Delawares. Of those captured was 
Thomas Decker, from whom the creek derives its 
name. Only two or three of the settlers escaped ; and 
one of these, making his way to Redstone Old Fort 
(Brownsville), gave information of the catastrophe. 
The commandant, Captain Paull, dispatched a message 
to Fort Pitt, conveying intelligence of the visitation, 
and notifying Colonel Gibson of the probable direction 
taken by the savages in their retreat. 

Gibson, leaving the command of the garrison in the 
hands of a subordinate, passed rapidly down the river, 
hoping to intercept the savages. In this, however, he 
failed ; but came accidentally upon a small party of 
Mingoes, encamped on Cross creek. Little Eagle, a 
distinguished chief of that tribe, commanded the party; 
and discovering the whites about the same time that 
Gibson saw them, he gave a fearful whoop, at the same 
instant discharging his gun at the leader of the whites. 
The ball passed through Gibson's coat, but without in- 
juring him. With the quickness of a tiger he sprang 
upon his foe, and, with one sweep of his sword, severed 
the head of Little Eagle from his body ! Two other 
Indians were killed ; the remainder escaped, and re- 
ported that the captain of the whites had cut off the 






Against Sandusky, 1782. 33 

head of their chief with a long knife. This was the 
origin of that celebrated and fearfully significant term, 
(c Long-knives, " applied thereafter, by the Indians, to 
the Virginians, and finally to the Americans and whites 
generally. Gibson was ever afterward known among 
the savages as the " Long-knife Warrior.' ,s 

The month of February, 1782, was one of unusual 
mildness. War-parties of savages from Sandusky vis- 
ited the settlements and committed depredations earlier 
than usual on that account. From the failure of the 
expeditions against the western Indians in the previous 
autumn, there had been a continued fear — a feverish 
state of feeling — during the winter^ all along the bor- 
der ; and now that the early melting of the snow had 
brought the savages, at an unwonted season, to the set- 
tlements, a more than usual excitement upon such an 
occasion prevailed. 

On the 8th of the month, Henry Fink and his son 
John were attacked by Indians at the Buchanan settle- 
ment. John was killed. 

On the 17th, one of the savage bands — Delawares — 
attacked the house of Robert Wallace upon Raccoon 
creek, in the northern part of Washington county, 
during his absence, and carried off his wife and three 
children. Wallace, upon his return home in the evening, 
finding his wife and children gone, his home broken up, 

8 De Bass' Hist. Ind. Wars W. Va. 3 pp. 215, 216. 



34 Crawford ' s Expedition 

his furniture destroyed, and his cattle shot and lying 
dead in the yard, immediately alarmed the neighbors, 
and a party was raised that night, who started early 
the next morning in pursuit ; but, unfortunately, a 
snow fell, which prevented their coming up with the 
savages, and the men were obliged to return. 

With their prisoners, consisting of Mrs. Wallace, 
her little son Robert, two and a half years old, another 
son ten years of age, and an infant daughter, and what 
plunder they could carry off, the savages made their 
way toward the Ohio ; but finding the mother and her 
infant somewhat troublesome they were tomahawked 
and scalped. The two boys were carried to Sandusky, 
where the elder died. Robert was then sold to the 
Wyandots, by whom he was held in captivity about 
two and a half years. His father hearing of him, sent 
a man to the Wyandot town, after peace had been de- 
clared, giving him a certain mark by which the boy 
could be recognized ; and by that means he was 
rescued and restored to his friends. 

About the time of the attack upon Wallace's house, 
John Carpenter was taken prisoner, from the waters of 
Buffalo creek, in the same county, by a party of six 
Indians — two of whom called themselves Moravians, 
and spoke good Dutch — and hurried across the Ohio. 
His two horses, which they took with him, nearly per- 
ished in swimming the river. The savages, as well as 
their captive, suffered severely before reaching the 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 35 

Muskingum. The two Moravian Indians treated their 
prisoner with particular indignity. 9 In the morning, 
after the first day's journey beyond that stream, Car- 
penter was sent out to bring in the horses, whic h had 
been turned out in the evening, after being hobbled. 
The animals had made a circuit and fallen into the 
trail by which they came the preceding day, and were 
making their way homeward. He immediately re- 
solved to attempt an escape. This was a very hazard- 
ous undertaking; as, should he be retaken, he well 
knew the most cruel tortures awaited him. However, 
he made the effort and was successful — coming in to 
Pittsburg by the way of Forts Laurens and Mcintosh. 

On the 8th of March, as William White and Timo- 
thy Dorman and his wife were going to, and within sight 
of Buchanan fort, they were shot at by savages. White 
was wounded in the hip, fell from his horse, and was 
tomahawked, scalped, and mutilated in the most fright- 
ful manner. Dorman and his wife were taken prison- 
ers. The people in the fort heard the firing and flew 
to arms; but the river intervening, the savages escaped. 

The different parties of the Indians striking the set- 
tlements so early in the season, greatly alarmed the 
people, as has already been mentioned, and but too 
plainly evinced the determination of the savages to 
harass the border with much more than their usual 

y The Penn. Packet (Philadelphia), April 16, 1782. 



3 6 Crawford 's Expedition 

ferocity and perseverance. The borderers came to the 
conclusion that a quick and spirited exertion was neces- 
sary to save the country. 

Gibson, in temporary command at Fort Pitt, found 
himself beset with many difficulties. His garrison, 
owing to neglect and destitution, were in a mutinous 
condition. He could do little to cover and protect 
the frontier. His power to call out the militia was 
more ideal than real. The absence of Irvine was felt 
to be a misfortune by the country people. His pres- 
ence was needed on this trying occasion. 

When Brodhead visited the Muskingum, in the 
month of April of the previous year, most of the 
hostile Delawares had drawn back from that river and 
set up their lodges in the country of the Wyandots, 
among the Shawanese, and further west, leaving the 
whole country between the Sandusky and Scioto on the 
west, and the border settlements on the east, an unin- 
habited region except where the Moravian missionary 
establishments dotted the wilderness. The clustering 
villages of the peaceable and inoffensive Moravian In- 
dians had become objects of suspicion to both sides. 
Brodhead warned them of their danger. Their leaders 
seemed to covet destruction, by clinging to a passive 
neutrality when even an armed one would have been 
an absurdity. On either side there was a determination 
to break up the establishments. The British and their 
savage allies were beforehand with the Americans in the 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 37 

work. In September, just previous to the arrival of 
Irvine at Fort Pitt, the villages were sacked and the 
missionaries and their families, with all the "believing 
Indians," carried to the Sandusky. 

Ignorant of these events, David Williamson, a col- 
onel of militia in Washington county, marched, some 
time afterward, to the Muskingum with a detachment 
of men, to compel the missionaries to remove farther 
away from the border ; or, in case of a refusal, to take 
them prisoners. Upon their arrival in the valley they 
found their task anticipated by the enemy. They cap- 
tured a small party, however, who had returned from 
the Sandusky to gather corn left standing in the fields ; 
and with these they returned to the settlements. These 
"Moravians" were immediately set at liberty by Gen- 
eral Irvine. 

Soon after the capture of the family of Wallace, 
upon Racccon creek, and of Carpenter, upon the 
waters of Buffalo, Colonel Williamson again led a 
squad of about ninety men into the Indian country, 
to overtake the savages, and, if possible, to recover 
the captives in their hands. 10 He pushed forward to 
the deserted missionary villages of the Moravians upon 
the Muskingum, from which the party of Indians who 
had been depredating upon the frontier had just re- 
treated, which he reached on the 6th of March. Here 

10 Penn. Packet, April 16, 1782. 



Crawford' s Expedition 



a considerable number of Christian Indians, from their 
camp in the Wyandot country, were found, who had 
returned to gather corn which was still standing in the 
fields. 

Williamson, it seems, had been informed that these 
Indians had not left the Muskingum, as had been 
reported ;" and his party, it is said, determined, as a 
part of their plan, to surprise their towns. Colonel 
Gibson sent an express from Fort Pitt to warn these 
converts of their danger, but the messenger came too 
late. Of the one hundred and fifty men, women, and 
children at work in the fields, over ninety were put to 
death before the return ot Williamson's force. The 
residue escaped. 12 

The expedition of Williamson to the Muskingum 
did not allay the excitement upon the frontier; it was 
now prevailing all along the border. On the 24th of 
March, a party of borderers attacked a few friendly 

11 This intelligence, though erroneous, was brought by Carpenter, 
who had been taken by the Indians and made his escape, as previously 
related. He was deceived by the presence of these " Moravians." 

12 This occurrence was afterward generally spoken of, upon the bor- 
der, as " the Moravian affair." It is perhaps best known in history — 
especially Moravian history — as "the Gnadenhiitten Massacre;" as 
the killing was done at the middle village upon the river, which, as we 
have seen, was called Gnadenhiitten. The Indians who escaped the 
massacre, and their associates remaining behind in the Wyandot coun- 
try, constituted "the remnant of the Christian Indians upon the San- 
dusky," hereafter frequently mentioned. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 39 

Delawares who were living on a small island at the 
mouth of the Allegheny — known as Smoky or Kill- 
buck's island, since gone — -just opposite Fort Pitt. 
Several of the Indians were killed, including two who 
held commissions in the service of the government; 
the remainder effected their escape into the fort, except 
two who ran into the woods and succeeded in eluding 
their pursuers. Even the life of Colonel Gibson was 
in jeopardy, who, it was conceived, was a friend to the 
Indians — so great was the agitation throughout the 
western country. And it is not to be wondered at — 
savages were making their way into the settlements ; 
the settlers were threatened, on all sides, with massa- 
cres, plunderings, burnings, and captivities. There was 
alarm and dismay in every quarter. 

The people of the border were forced into forts 
which dotted the country in every direction. These 
were in the highest degree uncomfortable. They con- 
sisted of cabins, block-houses, and stockades. In some 
places, where the exposure was not great, a single block- 
house, with a cabin outside, constituted the whole fort. 
For a space around, the forest was usually cleared away, 
so that an enemy could neither find a lurking place nor 
conceal his approach. 

Near these forts the borderers worked their fields in 
parties guarded by sentinels. Their necessary labors, 
therefore, were performed with every danger and diffi- 
culty imaginable. Their work had to be carried on 



4-0 Crawford's Expedition 

with their arms and all things belonging to their war- 
dress deposited in some central place in the field. Sen- 
tinels were stationed on the outside of the fence; so 
that, on the least alarm, the whole company repaired to 
their arms, and were ready for the combat in a mo- 
ment. 13 

It is not surprising that there was a deep and wide- 
spread feeling of revenge against the hostile and ma- 
rauding savages. The horrid scenes of slaughter which 
frequently met the view were well calculated to arouse 
such passions. Helpless infancy, virgin beauty, and 
hoary age, dishonored by the ghastly wounds of the 
tomahawk and scalping-knife, were common sights. 
When the slain were the friends or relatives of the be- 
holder — wife, sister, child, father, mother, brother — 
it is not at all a wonder that pale and quivering lips 
should mutter revenge. 

From Pittsburg south, including the valleys of the 
Monongahela and Youghiogheny, and the territorv west 
of these to the Ohio, was a scope of country having, 
at this time, a considerable population ; nevertheless, 
there were few families who had lived therein any con- 

13 Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of 
Virginia and Pennsylvania from the year 1763 until the year 1783, 
inclusive. Together with a View of the State of Society and Manners 
of the First Settlers of the Western Country. By the Rev. Dr. Jos. 
Doddridge, Wellsburgh, Va. Printed at the office of the Gazette, for 
the author ; 1824. pp. 117, 139. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 41 

siderable length of time that had not lost some of their 
number by the merciless Indians. 14 

On the 8th of March, General Washington sent in- 
structions to Irvine, then at Carlisle, for his guidance 
upon his return to the West : "You will proceed with 
all convenient dispatch to Fort Pitt, the object of your 
command; and you will take such measures for the 
security of that post, and for the defense of the western 
frontier, as your Continental force, combined with the 
militia of the neighboring country, will admit. 

" Under present appearances and circumstances/' 
continues the commander-in-chief, "I can not promise 
any further addition to your regular force than a propor- 
tion of recruits for the Virginia and Pennsylvania regi- 
ments, which are already upon the western station ; con- 
sequently, offensive operations, except upon a small 
scale, can not just now be brought into contemplation. 
You may, however, still continue to keep yourself in- 

14 " It should seem," says Doddridge (Notes, 268), "that the long 
continuance of the Indian war had debased a considerable portion of 
our population to the savage state of our nature. Having lost so 
many of their relatives by the Indians, and witnessed their horrid 
murders and other depredations upon so extensive a scale, they became 
subjects of that indiscriminating thirst for revenge which is such a 
prominent feature in the savage character." But, to say that "a con- 
siderable portion " of the people of Southwestern Pennsylvania and 
Pan-handle Virginia, was, in 1782, " debased to the savage state of our 
nature," is altogether too harsh a criticism. 



42 Crawford 1 s Expedition 

formed of the situation at Detroit and the strength of 
the enemy at that place. 15 

General Irvine returned to Fort Pitt on the 25th of 
March, and assumed the chief command of the post. 

Colonel Gibson remained at the fort during the war, 
in command of his regiment. He was a member of 
the convention which framed the constitution of the 
State of Pennsylvania in 1790, and was subsequently a 
judge of the court of common pleas of Allegheny 
county, and also a major-general of militia. In 1800, 
he received from President Jefferson the appointment 
of secretary of the Territory of Indiana, an office held 
by him until that Territory became a State. 

Colonel Gibson, at this time, finding that the in- 
firmities of age were thickening upon him, and labor- 
ing under an incurable cataract, retired to Braddock's 
Field, the seat of his son-in-law, George Wallace, where 
he died on the 10th of April, 1822, having borne 
through life the character of a brave soldier and an 
honest man. 16 

General Irvine's arrival at Fort Pitt was most oppor- 
tune. He found the country people in a frenzied 
condition to all appearance. Anarchy and confusion 
would soon have reigned supreme. The regular troops 
were in a mutinous condition. It seemed, at first, as 

15 The Writings of George Washington. By fared Sparks, vol. viii, 
p. 248. The original Instructions are in the Irvine Collection. 

16 The late Chief Justice Gibson, of Pennsylvania, was his nephew. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 43 

though the whole country must be given up to the 
enemy, the fort evacuated, and the bounds of Canada 
extended to the Laurel Hill. However, in a few days 
things were in a more favorable condition. 

For some weeks after the general's return, courts- 
martial were almost constantly sitting for the trial of 
mutineers and deserters. Several suffered the death 
penalty. " One hundred lashes, well laid on," was a 
common sentence. Cleanliness in and around the fort 
was rigidly enforced. 17 The troops were reduced to 
obedience; and the commander then turned his at- 
tention to the protection of the country. He imme- 
diately resolved to call a convention of the lieutenants 
of the several counties and the principal field officers 
of the militia, as well as of citizens of note, in the 
Western Department, to devise ways and means for 
the defense of the border. 

Edward Cook, a former sub-lieutenant under the 
lamented Colonel Lochry of Westmoreland county, had 
been promoted to a full lieutenancy. To him Irvine 
addressed a letter on the 28th of March. "You are 
already acquainted," wrote the commander, "with the 
resolution of Congress, and orders of the president 
and council of Pennsylvania, respecting my command 
in this quarter; in addition to which, I have received 
instructions from his excellency, General Washington. 

17 Irvine's MS. Order-Book. 



44 Crawford' s Expedition 

As making arrangements to cover and protect the 
country, is the main object, and, as it is to be done 
by a combination of regulars and militia, the business 
will be complicated. And, further, as there will be a 
diversity of interests, I think it of the utmost impor- 
tance, that, whatever plan may be adopted, it should be 
as generally understood as the nature of the service 
will admit. " Irvine continued: "You will conceive 
that I shall stand in need of the counsels and assistance, 
on this occasion, of some of the principal people of 
the country." He then added : " I wish, therefore, to 
see you and at least one field officer of every battalion 
in your county; for which purpose I request you will 
be pleased to warn such as you may think proper, to 
attend at this post, on Friday, the 5th of April next. 
Punctual to the day will be necessary, as I have 
written to Colonel Marshal, and others, in Washing- 
ton county also, to attend on that day." 

To John Evans, lieutenant of Monongalia county, 
and David Shepherd, lieutenant of Ohio county, Vir- 
ginia, similar letters were sent ; but to each was ap- 
pended these words : <£ Whatever difference local situa- 
tions may make in sentiments respecting territory, a 
combination of forces to repel the enemy is clearly, I 
think, a duty we owe ourselves and our country." It 
was thus the skillful commander poured oil upon the 
troubled waters of the boundary controversy. 

The convention of the 5th of April was well at- 






Against Sandusky, 1782. 45 

tended. Marshal, however, was absent; his official 
duties were such as to preclude his attendance. The 
principal post on the Ohio, below Fort Pitt, at the 
mouth of Yellow creek, had been evacuated for want of 
provisions. To fill up that station and supply the men 
with rations, kept him away " to prevent the frontiers 
in that quarter from breaking/' is his language, in a 
letter to Irvine of the 2d of April. "However," he 
adds, "I shall most heartily concur in any plan that 
may be adopted for the good of the country/' Evans, 
of Monongalia county, was not at the convention ; but 
wrote Irvine that the number of effective men in his 
district did not exceed three hundred; that they were 
so scattered as to form a frontier of eighty miles. He 
begged the commander, in the most earnest manner, to 
assist him with men, arms, and ammunition. 

Shepherd, of Ohio county, was at the meeting, and 
reported that he could not aid in a general defense 
of the frontier with any men, as nearly all, in his dis- 
trict, were enrolled in Pennsylvania. Colonel Cook, 
lieutenant, and Colonel Campbell, sub-lieutenant, rep- 
resented Westmoreland county. In place of Marshal, 
from Washington county, came Colonel Vallandigham, 
sub-lieutenant; also Colonels Williamson and Cook, 
and Major Carmichael, of the militia, and James Edgar, 
Esq., citizen and member of the State legislature. 
Major McCulloch, also of the militia, was present from 
Ohio county, Virginia. 



46 Crawford's Expedition 

The principal questions discussed at the convention 
were as to the mode of defense and the number of men 
necessary to be called out in each district. The officers 
of Monongalia and Ohio counties had received no in- 
structions from the executive of Virginia to call out the 
militia upon Irvine's requisitions, as had the lieutenants 
of Westmoreland and Washington counties from the 
governor of Pennsylvania. It therefore rested entirely 
upon these last-mentioned counties to insure the proper 
protection of the frontiers, as only volunteers could 
be had from the former counties, and they were not to 
be depended on. A full and free interchange of views 
was had at the meeting. Irvine was placed in full pos- 
session of all necessary information touching the differ- 
ent forts, stations, and block-houses upon the frontier; 
the number and condition of the men in actual service; 
when their tours of duty would expire; how they were 
supplied, and to what extent, with provisions, arms, and 
ammunition ; and many other important details. Thes 
number of men to be called out in Westmoreland and 
Washington counties was agreed upon, and all present 
pledged Irvine their warmest support in his endeavors 
to protect the country. 

The plan agreed upon was to keep flying bodies of 
men constantly on the frontiers, marching to and from 
the different places. The regular troops were to remain 
in Fort Pitt and Fort Mcintosh. Westmoreland 
agreed to keep sixty-five men, formed into two com- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 47 

panies, constantly ranging along the frontier from the 
Allegheny to the Laurel Hill. Washington county 
stipulated to keep in actual service one hundred and 
sixty men, to range along the Ohio from Montour's 
Bottom to Wheeling, thence some distance along the 
southern line, under two field officers. lS 

The commander now applied himself energetically to 
the task of placing the frontiers in as complete a condi- 
tion for defense as the means at his hands would admit. 
The garrison at Fort Pitt continued work upon that 
post. A supply of provisions was sent to Fort Mc- 
intosh, where there was a garrison of about thirty-five 
men. This post had been occupied for some time pre- 
vious to Irvine taking command of the Western De- 
partment. The militia of Washington county were 
formed into four companies ; two of these were placed 
so as to patrol the Ohio from Pittsburg to near Wheel- 
ing. Every precaution was taken to guard against sur- 
prises of the enemy. Nevertheless, it was well under- 
stood that a defensive policy, with whatever care plans 
might be laid, would prove ineffectual against occasional 
inroads of the wily, prowling savages, who, in spite of 
every precaution, frequently crossed the Ohio, fell sud- 
denly upon helpless victims, and then quickly recrossed 
that river into the wilderness beyond. Hence it was, 

18 From a MS. memorandum in the handwriting of Irvine. 



48 



Crawford's Expedition 



that, notwithstanding the exertions and success of Ir- 
vine, in covering and protecting the borders, the belief 
was very prevalent in the Western Department that 
positive security was to be obtained only by carrying 
the war into the Indian country. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 49 



CHAPTER III. 

AN EXPEDITION PROJECTED IN WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA AGAINST 
SANDUSKY. APRIL 4— MAY 7, 17S2. 

THE war of the Revolution was now virtually ended. 
The Western border war, however, which it had 
evoked, was still raging with undiminished fury. Lord 
Cornwallis had surrendered, and the murderous forays 
of the Indians of the north were at an end ; but, in the 
west, there was no cessation of predatory incursions of 
the savages. On the 27th of March, Mrs. Walker, 
living on Buffalo creek, Washington county, was taken 
prisoner, but made her escape. On the first day of 
April the savages captured Mr. Boice and family, con- 
sisting of eight persons, and hurried them into the 
wilderness. The day following a man was killed near 
Washington county court-house by Indians. 

On Easter Sunday, Miller's block-house, on the 
Dutch fork of Buffalo, in Washington county, was at- 
tacked by a party of about seventy Shawanese. On this 
occasion, more than the usual amount of heroism was 
displayed by the occupants of the post. The savages 
arrived during the previous night, and lay in ambush 
around the fort. Within the inclosure were three men 
and several women and children. Two of the men 
going out in search of an estray, were killed by the 



50 Crawford 's Expedition 

Indians, who immediately afterward surrounded the 
block-house. Quite an old man was the only male left 
inside. But the courage of one of the women, who 
boldly fired upon the savages, kept them at bay until 
the post was relieved by three men, who broke through 
the enemy's lines, and got into the block-house un- 
harmed. The Indians then disappeared. 1 

It had been some time known upon the border that 
the project of attacking Detroit had been abandoned by 
the general government. For the borderers to attempt 
its reduction was, of course, out of the question. But 
it was a very general opinion than the Indian towns and 
settlements, between that post and the Ohio, could be 
assailed with a fair prospect of success. The feasibility, 
as well as necessity, of this was strongly urged, notwith- 
standing the excellent arrangements inaugurated by Ir- 
vine for the protection of the exposed settlements. 

"This is most certain," wrote Marshal to Irvine, on 
the 2d of April, "that unless an expedition be carried 
against some of the principal Indian towns early this 
summer, this country must unavoidably suffer." This 
sentiment found an echo in the minds of most of the 
settlers of Washington county. The same view was 
generally entertained in Westmoreland county, and in 
the two border counties of Virginia. And notwith- 
standing previous failures, there were still very many 
who believed that a volunteer expedition might be or- 

l His. Washington County, App., p. 46-50. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 51 

ganized against Sandusky, of such magnitude as would 
promise almost a certainty of success, if united and 
zealous efforts were put forth. 

Volunteer enterprises, however, had come to be 
looked upon, very generally, with disfavor. The cit- 
izens of Washington county were mostly favorable to 
the drawing out of the militia for all militarv under- 
takings. 

Marshal, on the 4th of April, again wrote Irvine: 
<£ The bearer hereof, Colonel Williamson, is now pre- 
pared for a voyage down the river, with about thirty 
thousand weight of flour. But, from a real love to his 
country, he proposes not only to carry an expedition 
against Sandusky, with the militia of this county, to- 
gether with what volunteers might be raised in West- 
moreland, but offers to advance such part of the flour 
as might be necessary for the occasion. " He added : 
C£ The people in general on the frontiers are waiting 
with anxious expectation, to know whether an expedi- 
tion can be carried against Sandusky early this spring or 
not." The writer approved the scheme : c< I could 
therefore wish that Colonel Williamson would be coun- 
tenanced in this plan, if with propriety it can be done." 
This letter, and the arrival of the bearer of it at Fort 
Pitt, brought the subject of a proposed expedition 
against Sandusky, fully and officially, to the notice of 
General Irvine. 

The authority conferred upon the commander of the 



52 Crawford's Expedition 

Western Department by Congress, to protect the 
country, carried with it, by necessary implication, the 
use of such force, and in such a manner as his own 
judgment should dictate; in short, how the country was 
to be protected, was largely a matter of discretion with 
him. However, it was plainly his duty, and this he 
fully appreciated, to direct whatever forces might be, 
from time to time, under his command, in the most 
effectual manner for covering the frontiers, and giving 
ease and safety to the border settlements. It was clearly 
seen that a defensive policy alone, however much it 
might be governed by prudence and discretion, afforded 
the country but an indifferent protection. The matter 
of an offensive warfare, including especially the pro- 
posed scheme against Sandusky, received, therefore, Ir- 
vine's most careful attention and consideration. 

The commandant was already committed against the 
policy of visiting Indian towns — as being, usually, void 
of beneficial results, unless their occupants could be fol- 
lowed up and beaten in battle ; yet, as the general voice 
of the people was in favor of an enterprise against the 
Wyandots, he resolved to obtain all the information 
possible, of their strength and intentions ; whether 
any white men were among them ; and especially 
whether any regular British troops or rangers were at 
Sandusky. Captain Uriah Springer, of the Virginia 
line, with three soldiers and as many Indians, was sent 
to reconnoiter. But the Indians proving too timid for 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 53 

their advance all the way, the party returned without 
accomplishing anything. 

Besides the question as to the condition of the 
enemy, there were other important ones to engage the 
serious deliberations of Irvine, before authorizing an 
expedition to march into the Indian country. There 
was another kind of enterprise then agitated in the set- 
tlements, and much talked of; which was, to emigrate 
beyond the Ohio and set up a new state. " This scheme 
is carried so far," wrote Irvine to Benjamin Harrison, 
governor of Virginia, on the 20th of April, <c that a 
day is appointed, by advertisement, to meet, for the 
purpose of emigrating." 

It was the belief, however, of the commandant that, 
although a considerable number had serious thoughts of 
the matter, yet they would not be able to put their plan 
into execution. <c Should they be so mad," he con- 
tinued, "as to attempt it, I think they will either be cut 
to pieces, or they will be obliged to take protection 
from, and join the British. Perhaps some have this 
in view; though a great majority are, I think, well- 
meaning people, who have, at present, no other views 
than to acquire large tracts of land." 

At all events, Irvine regarded the new state scheme 
as a dangerous one ; and he must be satisfied that, in 
the proposed undertaking against Sandusky, there was 
no covert design to promote it. The fact that the same 
day was appointed for the meeting to be held at Wheel- 



54 Crawford' 's Expedition 

ing, of those who proposed to emigrate, as was sug- 
gested for the rendezvous of the expedition, was calcu- 
lated to excite suspicion. 3 Certain it is the good man- 
agement of Irvine prevented what might have become 
a serious revolt of the people, and perhaps a severance 
of the region of the Alleghenies and its annexation to 
Canada. Had such an event transpired, the commis- 
sioners on the part of the United States in the treaty 
with Great Britain securing American independence, 
would almost certainly have failed to carry the western 
boundaries of the country beyond the Ohio. 

It was before the return of Irvine to Fort Pitt, as 
previously mentioned, that Williamson led his second 
expedition to the Muskingum. That affair made a 
deep impression upon the mind of the commander of 
the Western Department. He had been uniformly 
kind to the missionaries and their converts. 3 In a let- 

2 Wills De Hass (His. and Ind. Wars, W, Va., p. 189) has com- 
bined the efforts for the meeting at Wheeling, with those put forth to 
further the expedition against Sandusky. He says : " Every induce- 
ment was held out to join the expedition [against Sandusky]. Placards 
were posted at Wheeling, Catfish, and other places, of a new State 
that was to be organized on the Muskingum, and no effort left untried 
that could excite either, the cupidity or revenge of the frontier people." 
The two schemes, however, were in nowise connected. I do not find 
that the Sandusky expedition was placarded at all. 

3 LoskiePs His. Miss., P. iii, p. 175; Heckezu elder's Narr. Miss., p. 
298 ; Doddridge's Notes, p. 262 ; Scbzveinitzs Life of Zeisberger, pp. 
531, 535, etc. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 55 

ter to Washington, of the 20th of April, he character- 
ized the killing of those inoffensive Indians — men, 
women, and children — as an outrage. 

Irvine wrote, on the 8th of May, to the Moravian 
bishop, Rev. Nathaniel Seidel : <c I believe the mission- 
aries are safe, and I can assure you it will always be 
pleasing to me to be able to render them service. I 
hope (and think it probable) they have removed farther 
than Sandusky — that being now a frontier, and one of 
the British and Indian barrier towns; they can not 
rationally expect to be safe at it." 4 A messenger of the 
Mission Board of the Moravian Church, who had been 
sent to Fort Pitt to make inquiries, reported to the 
authorities at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, about the last 
of May, that the commandant, as well as a majority of 
his officers, and many intelligent citizens 3 did not ap- 
prove of the affair at Muskingum, and would do all in 
their power to protect the remnant of the Christian In- 
dians. 

That the resolutions of Congress appointing Irvine 
to the command of the Western Department, and the 
powers therein granted, authorized the calling out of 
the militia, upon such an occasion as the proposed ex- 
pedition, if the commandant deemed it necessary for the 
protection of the country, was not for a moment 

4 1 do not find a copy of this letter among the Irvine papers. The 
reader will find it printed entire in Scbzveinitz's Life of Zeisherger, 

P- 575- 

♦ 



56 Crawford's Expedition 

doubted. Irvine proposed not to exercise this author- 
ity, however, even though he should finally conclude to 
favor the enterprise. 

All must volunteer for the campaign, and place them- 
selves under his orders as militia, to be, in all respects, 
subject to the military laws and regulations for the gov- 
ernment of the militia in actual service, the same as if 
drawn out according to law, upon his requisition. The 
moment, then, they took up their line of march, they 
would be liable to the rules and articles of war for reg- 
ular troops. 

The number of men necessary for the proposed ex- 
pedition was carefully considered by Irvine. It should 
be so large as to give a reasonable assurance of final 
success. From all the information he had been able to 
obtain of the enemy's forces upon the Sandusky and 
vicinity, and their facilities for concentration in the 
event of being attacked, he was of the opinion that the 
army should number not less than three hundred ; fewer 
men would place the lives of all in jeopardy; a greater 
number would increase the chances for a favorable ter- 
mination of the enterprise. The expedition would 
have to be not only respectable in number, but, to war- 
rant success, must be conducted with the utmost se- 
crecy and dispatch. It would be indispensably neces- 
sary, therefore, that all should be mounted. 

It would be out of the power of the commandant to 
furnish any material aid to the expedition, either of 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 57 

arms, provisions, or equipments of any kind. He had 
not a horse to spare. A limited supply of ammunition 
and a few flints were all he would be able to give. 5 
Each volunteer, therefore, would have to supply him- 
self with a horse and equipments, with a rifle, with 
rations, and other necessary articles, at his own ex- 
pense. Nor could he promise any remuneration from 
the general government for losses or services during 
the campaign. 

Such were the conclusions of the commander of the 
Western Department concerning the proposed under- 
taking against Sandusky. They strikingly illustrate 
the two prominent traits of his character — prudence 
and judgment. In the meantime the country people 
became clamorous. On the 1st of May, Marshal wrote 
Irvine: "Since I had the honor of consulting you on 
the expediency of an expedition against Sandusky, I 
have met with the officers and principal people of this 
county, and find that, in all probability, we shall be 
able to carry forward the enterprise." He made a re- 
quest, also, that instructions to the officer who should 
be appointed to command should be forwarded by the 
first opportunity. On the 7th of the month, a num- 
ber of the principal people of the department made 
application in person to Irvine for his consent to the 

Ammunition was also furnished by the lieutenant of Washington 
county — James Marshal ; not by " the lieutenant-colonel of Washing- 
ton county," as Doddridge has it — Notes, 269. 



$$ Crawford's Expedition 



project. Dorsey IJentecost, a resident of Washington 
county and member of the Supreme Executive Council 
of Pennsylvania, was present at the meeting. The 
scheme was discussed fully and unreservedly. 

Satisfactory explanations having been made and as- 
surances given, Irvine finally gave his consent to the 
proposed expedition, but upon these express conditions : 
that the people did not mean to extend their settle- 
ments, nor had anything in view but to harass the 
enemy, with an intention to protect the frontier ; and 
that any conquests they might make should be in be- 
half of and for the United States ; that they would be 
governed by military laws as militia; that they must 
collect such numbers as would probably be successful ; 
and, lastly, that they would equip and victual them- 
selves at their own expense. 6 

There was a general desire expressed that Irvine 
should command the expedition ; but he did not feel 
himself at liberty, consistent with instructions from the 
commander-in-chief, to become the leader of the enter- 
prise. He would assist, however, in its organization, 
and would issue instructions for its direction and guid- 
ance. 

It was arranged that the volunteers were to select 
their own officers, and that each one should receive a 

6 Irvine to Washington, 21st May, 1782: Sparks' Corr. Amer. Rev. 
iii, 502. I do not find a copy of this letter in the Irvine Collection. 
The reply of Washington is, however, among those papers. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 59 

credit for two full tours of military duty, providing he 
furnished himself with a horse, a gun, and one month's 
provisions. It was also agreed that any one having 
been plundered by the Indians, should, if he volun- 
teered, have his plunder again if it could be found, first 
proving it to be his property. Horses lost on the ex- 
pedition, by unavoidable accident, were to be replaced 
by others taken from the enemy. 7 The 20th of May 
was the time fixed upon for the rendezvous ; the place, 
Mingo Bottom, a point on the west, or Indian side, of 
the Ohio, about forty miles by land, and seventy-five 
miles by water, below Fort Pitt. The name of a prom- 
inent citizen was mentioned by Irvine in connection 
with the command. The suggestion was favorably re- 
ceived. 

Pentecost wrote to Moore, president of the Su- 
preme Executive Council, on the 8th : <c I hear 
there is great preparation making for a descent on San- 
dusky, to set out on the 20th of this month, which will 
be conducted by a gentleman of experience and ve- 
racity."* On the next day Irvine also wrote to Moore: 
"A volunteer expedition is talked of against Sandusky, 
which, if well conducted, may be of great service to this 
country." C£ They have consulted me," he adds, " and 
shall have every countenance in my power, if their 
numbers and arrangements promise a prospect of suc- 

1 Knight's Narrative (ed. of r/83). 
8 Perm. Arch., vol. ix, p. 540. 



60 Crawford's Expedition 

cess." "We confide in your zeal and prudence," re- 
sponded Moore on the 30th, " to direct the force which 
may be in your power, in the most effectual manner for 
covering the frontiers." 

The project against Sandusky was as carefully con- 
sidered, and as authoritatively planned, as any military 
enterprise in the West, during the Revolution. As a 
distinct undertaking, it was intended to be effectual in 
ending the troubles upon the western frontiers of Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia. The scheme was not irruptive 
in its origin, but smooth and steady-flowing. Its pro- 
moters were not only the principal military and civil 
officers in the Western Department, but a large pro- 
portion of the best known and most influential private 
citizens. 

Nor was there any difference of opinion as to the 
necessity for the expedition. That most of the scalping- 
parties prowling upon the frontiers came from San- 
dusky, was well known ; not, however, that all the sav- 
ages depredating upon the settlements were Wyandots ; 
but that their town was the grand rallying-point for the 
British Indians before starting for the border. The 
pressing need, therefore, for its destruction, none failed 
to appreciate. On a line running nearly north and 
south from near the mouth of the Sandusky river to 
the head of the Miami, were located Wyandots, Shaw- 
anese, Delawares, and Mingoes. On this line, about 
equally distant from the two extremes, was the objec- 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 61 

tive point of the proposed expedition, within the limits 
of what is now Wyandot county, Ohio. 

No very energetic effort was necessary to induce vol- 
unteering for the expedition. The constant inroads of 
the savages operated, to a great degree, as a sufficient 
stimulant. On Sunday, the 12th of May, John Corb- 
ley, a Baptist minister, a resident of Washington county, 
was, with his family, surprised by the Indians while on 
his way to public worship. His wife had a sucking 
child in her arms. Both were killed and scalped, as 
were also a son about six years old and a daughter. 
The other daughters, the savages supposed they had 
killed, but, although scalped, they afterward recovered. 
The father made his escape. 9 

9 Old Red Stone. By Joseph Smith, D.D. Philadelphia : 1854. 



62 Crawford's Expedition 



CHAPTER IV. 

RENDEZVOUSING AND ORGANIZATION OF THE SANDUSKY EXPEDI- 
TION. 15-24 May, 17S2. 

UP and down the Monongahela and Youghiogheny, 
and westward to the Ohio, in nearly all the settle- 
ments, there was now an unusual stir, as it became known 
that the expedition against Sandusky was to go forward. 
As the day fixed upon for the general meeting — Mon- 
day, the 20th — was close at hand, volunteering was 
very brisk. The proper place for assembling had been 
carefully considered at the conference at Fort Pitt. Fort 
Mcintosh had several advocates. This point was of 
easy access, especially for those living down the rivers, 
in the vicinity of Pittsburg. For prudential reasons, 
however, it was finally determined not to rendezvous 
at that point ; as ever since the beginning of the war, 
the country west to the Muskingum was constantly 
infested with war-parties of the enemy. The expedi- 
tion would run a great risk of an early discovery, by 
passing through a portion of the wilderness, so gener- 
ally traversed by the savages. A point further down 
the Ohio would be more desirable. Besides, it would 
be nearer on a line from a majority of the settlements 
to Sandusky ; hence it was that Mingo Bottom was 
chosen. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 6 2 

The spot where the volunteers were to assemble is 
still a somewhat noted locality. It is in what is now 
Steubenville township, Jefferson county, Ohio, about 
two and a half miles below the town of Steubenville. 
Mingo Bottom is a rich plateau, on the immediate 
bank of the Ohio, in the south half of section twenty- 
seven, of township two, range one, of the government 
survey, extending south to a small affluent of the 
Ohio, known as Cross creek. Opposite the upper 
portion of Mingo Bottom is Mingo Island, containing 
about ten acres, although much larger in 1782. It sup- 
ports a scanty growth of willow bushes only ; but within 
the recollection of many now living, it was studded 
with trees of large size, particularly the soft maple. 
Cross creek, on the Virginia side, flows into the Ohio 
about three-fourths of a mile below. Before the great 
flood of 1832, the island contained not less than twenty 
acres. The usual place of crossing was directly from 
shore to shore across the head of the island. At the 
landing on the west bank, the vagrant Mingoes had 
once a village — deserted, however, as early 1772. 
Their town gave name to the locality. The Ohio has 
been forded at this crossing, in very low water. The 
bluffs of the river 'are below the island, on the Virginia 
side; above, on the Ohio side. Mingo Bottom contains 
about two hundred and fifty acres. 

So eager were some of the volunteers, that, by the 
15th, their arrangements were all made, and they were 



64 Crawford *s Expedition 

on their way to the place of rendezvous. There were 
not a few, however, who were unable to equip them- 
selves for the campaign, though willing to risk their 
lives in the enemy's country. However, in nearly 
every instance, a friend was found in time, to loan a 
horse or furnish supplies for the occasion. It was not 
doubted by any one that the State of Pennsylvania 
would reimburse all who should sustain losses. Many, 
therefore, from this belief, as well as from a spirit of 
patriotism, materially aided the enterprise, who did not, 
or could not, volunteer. 

There was much enthusiasm in the settlements, pre- 
paring for the campaign ; nevertheless, there was, gen- 
erally, a due appreciation of the desperate nature of the 
project. A march so farin to the enemy's country as 
was now proposed, had not been made in that direction, 
from the western border, during the war. The ven- 
ture, therefore, required stout hearts and steady nerves, 
when looked fairly in, the face. It is a tradition — nay, 
an established fact — that many, aside from the ordinary 
arrangements necessary for a month's absence — not so 
much, however, from a presentiment of disaster as 
from that prudence which careful and thoughtful men 
are prone to exercise — executed deeds £t in considera- 
tion of love and affection ;" and many witnesses were 
called in to subscribe to "last wills and testaments/' 

It was generally understood that, when the army 
should begin its march from Mingo Bottom, it would 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 65 

press forward with all practicable speed to effect a sur- 
prise, if possible ; the best horses, therefore, in the 
setrlements were selected for the enterprise. In their 
trappings, as might be expected, nothing was sacrificed 
to show — to mere display. Bridles of antique appear- 
ance, and saddles venerable with age — heir-looms in not 
a few instances, brought over the mountains — were put 
in order for the occasion. Pack-saddles also were 
called into requisition for carrying supplies. These 
were, as a general thing, exceedingly primitive in their 
construction. Some furnished themselves with extra 
rope halters, in expectation of returning with horses 
captured from the enemy. 

The volunteer, in his war-dress, presenteda picturesque 
appearance. His hunting-shirt, reaching half-way down 
his thighs, was securely belted at the waist, the bosom 
serving as a wallet. The belt, tied behind, answered, 
several purposes besides that of holding the wide folds 
of the shirt together. Within it, on the right side, was 
suspended his tomahawk; on the left, his scalping- 
knife. He wore moccasins instead of shoes upon his 
feet. His equipage was very simple. Strapped to his 
saddle was the indispensable knapsack, made of coarse 
tow cloth, in which were several small articles, placed 
there, perhaps, by a loving wife, or a thoughtful mother 
or sister. From the pommel of his saddle was sus- 
pended a canteen — a very useful article, as the weather 
was unusually warm for the season. Flour and bacon 



66 Crawford 's Expedition 

constituted his principal supply of food. His blanket, 
used as a covering for his saddle, answered also for a 
bed at night. 

Of his weapons of defense, the volunteer relied 
mainly upon his rifle. Trained to its use almost from 
infancy, he was, of course, a sharp-shooter — frequently 
a dead-shot. Taking his trusted weapon down from 
the hooks, where it was usually to be seen suspended 
beneath the cross-beams of his cabin, he carefully 
cleaned it, and picked the flint anew. His powder- 
horn was then filled, and securely fastened to a strap 
passing over his left shoulder and under the right. 
His leather pouch, either fastened to his belt or thrust 
into his bosom, was first filled with bullets, bullet- 
patches, and extra flints. The edge of his tomahawk was 
made a little keener than usual ; and his scalping-knife 
was carefully examined before being thrust into its 
leathern sheath. 

The moment of leaving was, in many cases, a trying 
one to the volunteer. There are many incidents still 
lingering in the memory of the aged, who, in their 
youth, were told the tales of these parting scenes. 
c< My father was one of the volunteers," writes Joseph 
Paull, a citizen of Fayette county, Pennsylvania, " and 
at that time was young and unmarried. When he 
determined on going he told his widowed mother. 
She was greatly distressed. c Why, James/ said she, 
c you are not well enough to go ; you are sick.' 4 1 can 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 67 

ride/ was the response, c and I can shoot.' 'But,' in- 
terrupted the mother, 'suppose you lose your horse?' 
c Well,' said James, c I have made up my mind to go.' 
And go he did, leaving grandmother in great grief, as 
he embraced her and bid her good-bye. He was very 
sad when he mounted his horse and rode away. Once 
with his comrades, however, his sadness soon wore 
off." 1 Usually, however, the soldier took leave of 
home without ceremony. A common mode was to 
step out of the door of the cabin, discharge his rifle, 
and immediately march off, without looking back or 
saying a word. Hand-shaking, parting words, and 
kisses were too trying to his feelings ! 

The volunteers were mostly of Irish or Scotch-Irish 
descent — young, active, and generally spirited. Many 
were from the Youghiogheny and around Beesontown 
(Uniontown), in Westmoreland county. Most of 
these came on to Redstone Old Fort (Brownsville), 
on the Monongahela, where they were joined by many 
from the settlements around, and from the " forks of 
Yough." They then proceeded to Catfish (Washing- 
ton), in Washington county. After the accession of a 
considerable number from this vicinity and' Ten-mile, 
the whole moved westward, adding a few to their num- 
bers in cc Pan-handle " Virginia. 

As the volunteers threaded their way toward the 

1 Notes to the author, 1872. 



68 Crawford 's Expedition 

Ohio, along the bridle-paths, their course was mostly 
through dense forests ; only here and there was there 
a lonely cabin, or, perchance, a fort or stockade. As 
they passed these, they were sure to be cordially greeted 
by the borderer; and matrons, in linsey petticoats, 
with home-made handkerchiefs as the only adornment 
for their heads and necks, standing barefoot in front 
of their doors, waved onward the cavalcade with many 
a IC God speed you, my brave lads ! " Many, how-' 
ever, were dilatory in their arrival at the Ohio ; so that 
all were not gathered opposite Mingo Bottom when the 
crossing began — indeed, some crossed the river above 
and others below the appointed place, traveling along 
the west bank of the stream until they reached the site 
of the old Mingo town. 

But little difficulty was experienced in crossing the 
river; and no accident happened worthy of note. The 
water was unusually low in the stream for that season 
of the year. 

On the 20th, the day set for the meeting, there were 
many who had not yet reported. 

On the 2 1 st, Irvine wrote Washington : " The vol- 
unteers are assembling this day at Mingo Bottom — 
all on horseback, with thirty days' provision." 2 c< If 
their number exceeds three hundred/' continued the 
writer, " I am of opinion they may succeed; as their 

2 Sparks' Corr. Amer. Rev. y iii, 509. A copy of this letter, in the 
handwriting of Irvine, is in my possession. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 69 

march will be so rapid they will probably, in a great 
degree, effect a surprise. " In a postscript, Irvine 
adds: cc The volunteers have sent, requesting mv in- 
structions (which I will send) for the officer who may 
be appointed to command." They were dispatched, the 
same day, to Mingo Bottom, and were directed <c To 
the Officer who will be appointed to command a Detachment 
of Volunteer Militia on an Expedition against the Indian 
town at or near Sandusky''' These instructions, or cc pos- 
itive orders," as Irvine afterward termed them, in a 
letter to Washington, of the 16th of June, 3 clearly 
evince the careful consideration of one having a just 
appreciation of the object in view; and forcibly exhibit 
the elevated character of their author. 4 They are as 
follows : 

" Where an officer is detached, though he may have 
general instructions, yet much must depend on his own 
prudence. On such an expedition as the present, where 
a variety of unexpected events may take place, I think 
it would be vain to attempt being particular. In gen- 
eral, however, it is incumbent on me to give such ideas 
as I think may be of use. 

cc The object of your command is, to destroy with 

3 The words of Irvine are: " They had my advice, and, indeed, 
positive orders." The letter is on file in the Department of State, at 
Washington. 

4 I have before me a copy of these instructions, in the handwriting 
of Irvine. 



'O 



Crawford 's Expedition 



fire and sword (if practicable) the Indian town and set- 
tlement at Sandusky, by which we hope to give ease 
and safety to the inhabitants of this country; 5 but, if 



5 The fictitious story of the bloody design of the volunteers against 
the remnant of the Christian Indians supposed to have been upon the 
Sandusky, had its origin in the publication by a New York newspaper 
(the city then being in possession of the British), some time after the 
Gnadenhiitten affair, of a report that Williamson and his band had 
been prevented, at that time, from proceeding to the Sandusky from 
the Muskingum, to destroy the remnant of the Moravian congregation. 
Therefore, reasoned the Moravian missionaries (who were then at or 
near Detroit), when an army did come to the Sandusky, it must, for- 
sooth, have been the same band, come for the purpose of murdering the 
rest of the Christian Indians ! Dr. Jos. Doddridge, in 1824, following 
the Moravian Heckewelder, puts this down as an historical verity, but 
adds; " The next object was that of destroying the Wyandot towns on 
the same river." — Notes, p. 269. In all examinations of the correspond- 
ence of those projecting the expedition against Sandusky, and of those 
who took part in that enterprise, as well as of papers and documents 
of that period relating thereto, and of cotemporaneous publications, I 
have not met with a single statement or word calculated to awaken a 
suspicion even, of intended harm to the Christian Indians upon the 
Sandusky. Whenever the objective point of the expedition is men- 
tioned, it is invariably given as Sandusky or the Wyandot town or towns. 
"Against the Wyandot towns." — Knight's Narr., p. 4 (ed. 1783). 
"Against Sandusky." — Irvine to Washington, 21st May and 16th June, 
1782. "For Sandusky." — Marshal to Irvine, 29th May, 1782. Even 
to the present day, the real object of the enterprise, strange as it 
may seem, is not understood by the Moravian historians. So firmly 
grounded in the belief of the bloody design is the Rev. Edmund 
de Schweinitz, in his Life of Zeisberger (p. 576), that when he discov- 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 



impracticable, then you will doubtless perform such 
other services in your power as will, in their conse- 
quences, have a tendency to answer this great end. 

£C Previous to taking up your line of march, it will 
be highly expedient that all matters respecting rank or 
command should be well determined and clearly under- 
stood, as far at least as first, second, and third. This 
precaution, in case of accident or misfortune, may be 
of great importance. Indeed, I think whatever grade 
or rank may be fixed on to have command, their rela- 
tive rank should be determined. And as it is indis- 
pensably necessary that subordination and discipline 
should be kept up, the whole ought to understand that, 
notwithstanding they are volunteers, yet by this tour 
they are to get credit for it in their tours of militia 
duty; and that for this and other good reasons, they 
must, while out on this duty, consider themselves, to 
all intents, subject to the military laws and regulations 
for the government of the militia when in actual serv- 
ice. 6 

ers Irvine to have been a friend to the Christian Indians — heartily dis- 
approving of the massacre at Gnadenhutten — he declares it evident 
that the Sandusky expedition "was undertaken without the knowledge 
of General Irvine, or that he was unable to hinder it !" This writer 
speaks of the expedition (p. 564) as a " second campaign against the 
Christian Indians !" referring to the Gnadenhutten massacre as the 
first one. 

6 In a letter from Irvine, dated Carlisle, November 10, 1799, (for 
which I am indebted to Hon. Charles Foster, of Fostoria, Ohio, who 
obtained leave to withdraw it from the files of Congress,) directed to 



ji Crawford 's Expedition 

* <c Your best chance of success will be, if possible, to 
effect a surprise ; and though this will be difficult, yet, 
by forced and rapid marches, it may, in a great degree, 
be accomplished. I am clearly of opinion that you 
should regulate your last day's march so as to reach the 
town about dawn of day or a little before, and that the 
march of this day should be as long as can well be per- 
formed. 

<c I need scarcely mention to so virtuous and disin- 
terested set of men as you will have the honor to com- 
mand, 7 that, though the main object, at present, is for 
the purpose above set forth, viz., the protection of 
this country, 8 yet, you are to consider yourselves as 
as acting in behalf and for the United States. That, of 

John Lyon, of Uniontown, Pennsylvania, I find this sentence relative 
to the expedition against Sandusky ; " In looking over my instructions 
to the officer who should be appointed to command that expedition, I 
find he was enjoined to regulate rank of officers before he took up his 
line of march, and to impress on their minds that the whole must, from 
the moment they march, be, in all respects, subject to the rules and 
articles of war for the regular troops." He adds ; " All the troops, both 
regulars and militia, were under my orders." 

7 In striking contrast with this language are the animadversions of 
the Moravian writers : " Gang of murderers." — Loskiel, Hist. Miss., 
P. iii, p. 1 88. "Gang of banditti," — Heckewelder, Hist. Ind. Nations, 
p. i 20. 

8 "Undertaken," says Doddridge {Notes, 278), "with the very 
worst of views — those of murder and plunder ! " A statement as 
erroneous as one could well be. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 73 

course, it will be incumbent on you especially who will 
have the command, and on every individual, to act, in 
every instance, in such a manner as will reflect honor 
on, and add reputation to> the American arms — always 
having in view the laws of arms, of nations, or inde- 
pendent states. 

" Should any person, British, or in the service or pay 
of Britain or their allies, fall into your hands — if it 
should prove inconvenient for you to bring them off, 
you will, nevertheless, take special care to liberate them 
on parole, in such manner as to insure liberty for an 
equal number of our people in their hands. There are 
individuals, however, who, I think should be brought 
off at all events, should the fortune of war throw them 
into your hands. I mean such as have deserted to the 
enemy since the Declaration of Independence. 

"On your return, whatever your success may be, 
you will please to make report to me. I very sin- 
cerely wish you success." 

On Friday morning, 24th of May, all had crossed 
the river, and were present at the place appointed for 
the general meeting. cc Our number," wrote John 
Rose, 9 from Mingo Bottom, that evening, to Irvine, at 
Fort Pitt, " is actually four hundred and eighty men." 
Of these, about two-thirds were from Washington 
county ; the residue, except about twenty from Ohio 

9 An aid-de-camp of Irvine, with the rank of lieutenant in the 
Continental army. 



74 Crawford 's Expedition 

county, Virginia, were from Westmoreland — mostly 
from that part included the next year (September 26, 
1783) in Fayette county. 10 Great activity prevailed 
among the men in preparing for the march ; as it was 
given out that the afternoon would be spent in organ- 
izing the army, by .the election of the proper officers, 
and that the march would begin early on the morrow 
should some powder arrive in time, which had been 
sent for the day previous, to Fort Mcintosh. 

Under the spreading boughs of the sycamore and 
sugar-maple, which, in the rich soil of the bottom, 
grew uncommonly large, active preparations were going 
forward. The black and white walnut, the water-elm, 
with here and there a hickory, hackberry, and white ash, 
threw grateful shadows upon the busy multitude grouped 
along the margin of the Ohio. All were in high spirits. 
Everywhere around, there was a pleasurable excitement. 
Jokes were bandied, and sorrows at parting with loved 
ones at home quite forgotten— at least, could outward 

10 -' The troops were volunteer militia, part Pennsylvanians and 
part Virginians, and a few Continental officers whom I sent." — Irvine 
to Lyon, 10th November, 1799: MS. letter. A letter from Marshal 
to Irvine, 29th May, 1782, says: ''I have not yet ascertained with 
exactness the number of men from the different counties, but I be- 
lieve they are nearly as follows: Westmoreland about 130; Ohio 
(Va.) about 20, and Washington 320." Upon this subject, Doddridge 
(Notes, 269) makes a surprising blunder. He says : " They were all 
volunteers from the immediate neighborhood of the Ohio, with the 
exception of one company from Ten Mile, in Washington county." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 75 

appearances be relied upon. Nevertheless, furtive 
glances up the western hill-sides, into the deep woods, 
kept alive, in the minds of some, the dangerous pur- 
pose of all this bustle and activity. 

The volunteers assembled at one o'clock, to elect their 
officers. They then distributed themselves into eight- 
een companies, chosing their captains by vote. 11 The 
policy of forming such small companies was a wise one, 
as it brought together, as a general thing, those only 
who were acquainted with each other; besides, so few 
men could be much more easily directed, than a large 
number, in the Indian mode of warfare, where skulk- 
ing, treeing, tomahawking, and scalping were practiced. 
Names of some of the captains have been preserved. 
"Many of them, I have often heard mentioned," writes 
Nathaniel Ewing, of Uniontown, Fayette county, 
Pennsylvania, "but their names have faded away in 
the long course of seventy years." 12 Among those 
chosen were McGeehan, 13 Hoagland, Beeson, 14 Munn, 

^Knight's Narrative, p. 5. 

^Communication to the author — 1872. 

"Application of James Ross for a pension, June 19, 1833. 

Uu The captain of my company was named Beeson ; he was from 
that part of Westmoreland which soon after became Fayette county. 
Beesontown — afterward Uniontown — was named in honor of him." — 
Philip Smith' 's Recollections of Crawford's Expedition. Mr. Smith was 
one of the volunteers. A grandson, Albert M. Smith, of Centreville, 
Wayne county, Indiana, has kindly written down and placed at my 
disposal whatever of these Recollections have been preserved in the 
family. 



y6 Crawford' s Expedition 

Ross, Ogle, John Biggs, Craig Ritchie, John Miller, 
Joseph Bean, and Andrew Hood. 

One lieutenant and one ensign were chosen by each 
company. An old narrative of the expedition, in rhyme, 
recites: 

*' There was Ensign McMasters, another as brave ; 
He fought many battles his country to save:" 15 

and James Paull remembered, fifty years after, that the 
lieutenant of his company was Edward Stewart. 16 

In the election of the general officers there were four 
hundred and sixty-five that voted. There were chosen 
one colonel commandant, four field majors, and one 
brigade-major. Considerable interest was manifested in 
the choice of the first officer. General Irvine had taken 
some pains to bring forward a candidate — one in whom 
he reposed great confidence. But David Williamson 
was also a candidate ; was very popular, and had numer- 
ous and obstinate adherents. A strong argument in his 

15 The " poem " from which these two lines are taken is entitled 
"Crawford's Defeat." Tt begins — 

" Come all you good people wherever you be, 
Pray draw near awhile and listen to me 5 
A story I '11 tell you which happened of late, 
Concerning brave Crawford's most cruel defeat 5" — 

which " story," it may be premised, contains much more history than 
poetry. It was long after a favorite song upon the frontier — sung to 
various tunes. Its echoes are remembered to have been heard even at 
a late date, and as far west as the valley of the Sandusky. 

16 Application of James Paull for a pension, January 15, 1H33. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 77 

favor was the circumstance of his being a citizen of 
Washington county, which had sent out twice as many 
men for the expedition as Westmoreland, where his 
opponent resided. However, upon counting the votes 
it was found that two hundred and thirty had been cast 
for Williamson, and two hundred and thirty-five for his 
opponent, William Crawford. 

The four field majors elected to rank in the order 
named, in command under Crawford, were David Will- 
iamson, Thomas Gaddis, John McClelland, and Major 
Brinton. 17 Daniel Leet was elected brigade-major ; 
John Knight was appointed surgeon ; John Slover and 
Jonathan Zane, pilots. John Rose went as aid to the 
commander-in-chief. Knight and Rose were officers at 
Fort Pitt under Irvine, and were specially detailed by 
him for this service. 

Note I. — The important letter from Rose to Irvine is in the Irvine 
Collection. It was written just upon the eve of the departure of the 
expedition from Mingo Bottom, and immediately after its organization. 
It contains the only complete list of the field majors, with their rel- 
ative rank, that I have seen. Nothing is said, however, about the elec- 
tion of Daniel Leet as brigade-major. This, and other interesting infor- 
mation, I have obtained from the declaration for a pension, made on the 
3d of October, 1832, by Francis Dunlevy, then a resident of Lebanon, 
Warren county, Ohio, since deceased; and from his MS. notes of the 

17 Rose to Irvine, 24th May, 1782. Major Brinton's full name I have 
never seen. Knight, in his Narrative (p. 5), speaks of him as " Major 
Brenton ;" so also the "song" just referred to: "There was brave 
Major Brenton," etc. 



78 Crawford 's Expedition 

campaign, kindly furnished by his son, A. H. Dunlevy. In an affidavit 
appended to an application for a pension, made by James Workman, 
March 29, 1833, Hugh Workman also speaks of Leet as having had a 
command, as major in the expedition. 

There was, doubtless, a roll and roster of the expedition, but it has 
since been lost. It may have been sent, for some purpose, to Phila- 
delphia, then the seat of the Pennsylvania government. These are 
conjectures only. Certain it is that no copy or original, in print or 
MS., is now known to exist. Mr. Hazard, the careful compiler of the 
" Colonial Records," of Pennsylvania, and " Pennsylvania Archives " 
did not find any, as nothing of the kind appears in those voluminous 
and valuable publications. So far as attainable, from varied sources, all 
the persons in any way belonging to the expedition are named in these 
sketches. 

Note 2. — That it was the intention of the expedition against San- 
dusky to destroy the remnant of the Christian Indians, is an error 
widely circulated. I have in my possession manuscript Recollections 
of some of the volunteers, in which are indignant denials of the ac- 
cusations made in Heckewelder's Narrative and Doddridge's Notes 
concerning the animus of the campaign. There seems to have been 
considerable feeling aroused in Western Pennsylvania and Virginia 
upon the publication of these calumnies. In justice, however, to 
Doddridge, who, as has been stated, early gave this error currency, it 
must be said that the Moravian writers, Loskiel and Heckewelder, were 
the first to assert it as truth : 

" The same gang of murderers, who had committed the massacre 
upon the Muskingum, did not give up their bloody design upon the 
remnant of the Indian congregation, though it was delayed for a 
time." — Loskiel'- 's His. Miss., P. iii, p. 188. 

" Not satisfied with this horrid outrage [the massacre at Gnaden- 
hiitten], the same band not long afterward marched to Sandusky, 
where, it seems, they had been informed that the remnant of that un- 



inst Sandusky, 1782. 79 



fortunate congregation had fled, in order to perpetrate upon them the 
same indiscriminate murder." — Heckezuelder s His. Ind. Nations, p. 281. 

This is repeated, in substance, by the last-mentioned writer, in 
another work soon after published {Narr. Miss., pp. 337, 338, etc). 
Doddridge then took up the refrain (Notes, p. 268), and his followers 
are legion ; some giving, as he, the fictitious purpose along with the 
true one ; others copying Loskiel and Heckewelder, stating only the 
fiction ; as will be seen by such extracts as the following : 

" Depredations still continuing to be made, from time to time, on 
the settlements, after the return from the Moravian campaign, it was 
determined a force should be raised and marched against the Sandusky 
Indians, who seemed the most active in keeping up the warfare ; when 
an opportunity would likewise be had to come up with the remain- 
ing Moravians." — His. of the Backwoods. By A. W. Patterson, Pitts- 
burgh, 1843, p. 254. 

" Flushed by this success [the Moravian affair], a new expedition of 

four hundred and eighty men marched to complete 

the destruction of the Christian Indians by assailing Sandusky." — His. 
of the United States. Hildreth, vol. iii, p. 423. 

"It was in the month of March, 1782, that this great murder [the 
killing of the Moravian Indians upon the Muskingum] was committed. 
And, as the tiger, having once tasted blood, longs for blood, so it was 
with the frontier-men ; and another expedition [Crawford's] was at 
once organized to make a dash at the towns of the Moravians, Dela- 
wares, and Wyandots, upon the Sandusky." — Annals of the West. By 
fames H. Perkins. St. Louis, 1850, p. 261, 262. 

" The signal success attending the expedition against the Moravians, 
induced many who had been engaged in that atrocious affair, to get up 
a second one, on a more grand and extensive plan, against the Indian 
settlements at Sandusky. This was the ostensible motive, but some 
believed it was merely intended to finish the work of murder and 
plunder upon Moravians. Such, at least, is said to have been the ob- 
ject with some who composed the expedition ; with the majority, how- 



80 Crawford* s Expedition 

ever, it was regarded as an expedition to punish the Wyandots for 
their many and long-continued depredations upon the whites." — His. 
Ind. Wars W. Va. Wills De Hass, p. 189. 

"It [Gnadenhiitten affair] was immediately followed by active prep- 
arations for a volunteer expedition against the new settlement of the 
Christian Indians, and the Wyandot and Delaware towns, on the head 
waters of the Sandusky." — His. of the State of Ohio. By James W. 
Taylor. Cincinnati, 1854, p. 378. 

" The success of the expedition of Williamson [the Gnadenhiitten 
massacre] excited the borderers to prepare another invasion of the In- 
dian country, to finish the destruction of the Christian Indians by the 
massacre of the fugitives at Sandusky." — Annals of the West. By 
James K. Albach. Pittsburgh, 1857, p. 380. 

" The campaign of 1782 [Crawford's] .... may be re- 
garded as a repetition of the Williamson Moravian expedition." — Red 
Men of the Ohio Valley. By J. R. Dodge. Springfield, O., i860, p. 285. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 81 



CHAPTER V. 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF WILLIAM CRAWFORD. 1732— 17S2. 

WILLIAM CRAWFORD, elected by the vol- 
unteers assembled at Mingo Bottom to com- 
mand the expedition against Sandusky, was born in the 
year 1732, in Orange county, Virginia. 1 His parents 
were of Scotch-Irish origin. His father, a respectable 
farmer, died when William was four years old, leaving 
another and younger son, Valentine. His mother, 
Onora, was a woman of uncommon energy of charac- 
ter, possessed of great physical strength, yet kind in 
disposition, and very attentive to her children. She 
married again ; her second husband was Richard Ste- 
phenson, with whom she lived ten years, when he died. 
William had five half-brothers : John, Hugh, Richard, 
James, and Marcus, and one half-sister, Elizabeth. 
The latter died young. 2 The seven boys were all re- 
markable for their size and strength. They all lived 
with their widowed mother, when, in the year 1749, 
they became acquainted with the youthful George 
Washington, surveyor, at that time, to Lord Fairfax. 

1 In 1738, the legislature of Virginia erected out of the territory of 
Orange two counties ; one was called Frederick, within which was 
the place of Crawford's nativity. It is now in Berkeley county. 

2 Communicated by Dr. Alfred Creigh, of Washington, Pa. 



82 Crawford's Expedition 

It was while Washington was surveying in the val- 
ley of the Shenandoah, that his acquaintance with Craw- 
ford began, which ripened into a friendship never 
broken until the death of the latter They were both 
of the same age. There are many traditions concerning 
the athletic sports of Washington with the Crawford 
and Stephenson boys while the former was stopping at 
the widow Stephenson's. When his daily toils were 
ended, a fine lawn, in front of the house of his hostess, 
was, on bright evenings, the scene of many encounters 
at wrestling, running, and jumping. Washington was 
as tall as any of the boys, but not so heavy. In their 
frolics to see which was " the best man," it often 
happened that, in wrestling, the young surveyor was 
worsted. But in running and jumping, he was gener- 
ally victorious. These manly sports were often con- 
tinued until late in the evening. When, in after years, 
fortune and fame smiled upon Washington, he did not 
forget the sons of the widow Stephenson. 3 They were 
the recipients of many favors at his hands. Especially 
did he prove the steadfast friend of William Crawford. 

The childhood home of Crawford was the home of 
the pioneer. He was cradled among rude scenes, and 
reared upon a rough but generous diet. His education 
was limited; his knowledge was more of men than of 
books. Living almost at the verge of the settlements 

3 We em's Life of Washington, pp. 28, 29. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 83 

in the west, he knew but little of the refinements of 
polished society. He grew to manhood apt in expedi- 
ents, generous in disposition, strong in body and mind, 
cool and collected under excitement, and possessing the 
most undaunted courage in the face of danger. Having 
learned the art of surveying in his companionship with 
Washington, he made that his vocation up to about the 
age of twenty-three, when not engaged in the duties 
appertaining to a farmer's life. During the year 1755, 
he gave up his double occupation of surveyor and 
farmer ; forsook the compass and the plow for 

" The pomp and circumstance of glorious war;" — 

receiving from the governor of Virginia a commission 
as ensign, and joining a company of riflemen destined 
to augment the army of the ill-fated Braddock, in his 
march against Fort du Quesne, afterward Fort Pitt. 

The war then raging was a contest between England 
and France for the vast region between the Alleghenies 
and the Rocky Mountains. " This extensive territory 
had been explored, mapped out, and, in a good meas- 
ure, occupied by the French. Their forts, missions, 
and trading posts — the centers, in some cases, of little 
colonies — were scattered throughout the valley of the 
Mississippi, and on the borders of all the great lakes." 4 
It was against one of these forts, Du Quesne, situ- 

4 Francis Parkman. Preface to Robert Clarke & Co.'s reprint of 
Bouquet's Expedition. Cincinnati, 1868, p. 11. 



84 Crawford's Expedition 

ated at the junction of the Allegheny and Monongahela 
rivers, that the British army under Braddock was 
marching through Virginia, when joined by young 
Crawford and his company of riflemen. 

The march of Braddock to the vicinity of Fort du 
Quesne ; the battle of July 9th, with the French and 
Indians who had ambuscaded their enemy ; and the 
overwhelming defeat of the approaching army and 
death of Braddock, are the principal events in the his- 
tory of that campaign. Ensign Crawford was a par- 
ticipant in the battle, and, for gallantry displayed 
upon that disastrous occasion, was promoted, the fol- 
lowing year, to a lieutenancy. 

The western frontier settlements of Pennsylvania, 
Maryland and Virginia, were now, for the first time, 
visited with the horrors of savage warfare. The deadly 
foe "moved with stealth and mystery, only to be 
traced by its ravages and counted by its foot-prints." 
These irruptions continued until 1758, when diplomacy 
and the triumph of the British arms over the French 
brought about a general peace with the western Indians; 
but not until the valley of tv Shenandoah — -the home 
of Lieutenant Crawford — had become almost a soli- 
tude. During all this time Crawford had been em- 
ployed in garrison duty, or as a scout, at the frontier 
posts of Pennsylvania and Virginia, learning much of 
the best methods of fighting savages. 

But the time had now come for another attempt at 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 85 

the reduction of Fort du Quesne. The command of 
the expedition to effect this, was given to Brigadier- 
General Forbes ; his army to consist of regulars and 
colonial troops. Washington was now commander-in- 
chief of the Virginia troops, which were to make a part 
of the army of General Forbes, His force consisted 
of two regiments of one thousand men each — one led 
by himself, the other by Colonel Byrd. Upon the 
authority of the governor of Virginia, Washington 
now promoted Crawford, obtaining for him the com- 
mission of captain. Thereupon Captain Crawford 
recruited a full company of hardy, stalwart farmers and 
hunters, from his own neighborhood, to augment the 
regiment of Washington, his friend and benefactor. 

The rendezvousing of Crawford's company, prepara- 
tory to marching his men to join the force under 
Washington, disclosed the fact that there was a want of 
transportation. Here was a dilemma. Fortunately, 
however, there happened to be at the place where the 
company was encamped, a teamster who had stopped to 
rest and feed his horses. In such an emergency, Craw- 
ford felt no hesitancy in pressing the wagoner into his 
service, and accordingly announced to the stranger his 
determination. 

The owner of the team was in no humor to submit 
patiently to what he considered an oppressive act. But 
how could it be avoided ? He was alone, in the midst 
of a company of men who were ready and strong 



86 Crawford' s Expedition 

enough, at a word, to enforce their captain's orders. 
Remaining a short time silent, looking sullenly at the 
armed men, as if measuring their strength with his own 
weakness, he finally observed to Crawford, that it was 
hard to be forced into the service against his will ; that 
every man ought to have a fair chance, and that he was 
taken at a great disadvantage, inasmuch as the odds 
against him were so great as to deprive him of the 
power of self-protection. 

He thought the captain was taking advantage of cir- 
cumstances, and he would now make a proposition, 
which the commander certainly was bound in honor to 
accede to : "I will fight you," said he, "or any man in 
your company. If I am whipped, I will go with you 
cheerfully. If I conquer, you must let me off." From 
what has been said of Captain Crawford's personal ac- 
tivity and strength, it will not be a matter of wonder 
to learn that the challenge of the doughty teamster 
was at once accepted. Both began to strip ; the men 
prepared to form a ring, determined to show fair play, 
and to see the fun. 

At this moment, a tall young man, who had lately 
joined the company, but a stranger to most of them, 
and who had been leaning carelessly against a tree, eye- 
ing the scene with apparent unconcern, now stepped 
forward and drew Crawford aside. " Captain," said the 
stranger, "you must let me fight that fellow, he will 
whip you ; it will never do to have the company whipped!" 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 87 

A few additional words of like import overheard by the 
men — with the cool, collected, and confident manner of 
the speaker — induced them to suggest to Crawford, 
that perhaps it would be prudent to let the stranger try 
his hand. The captain, having done all that policy re- 
quired, in accepting the challenge, suffered himself to 
be persuaded by his men ; and it was agreed that the 
youth should be substituted in his place. 

By this time the wagoner was stripped to the buff 
and ready for the fight. He was big, muscular, well 
filled out, hardened by exposure, and an adept in pu- 
gilistic encounters. His air was cool and professional; 
his mien, defiant and confident. When the youthful- 
looking stranger, therefore, walked into the ring, clad 
in his loose hunting-shirt, and looking slender and a 
little pale, the men had not the utmost confidence in 
his success. However, there was fire in his eye; and, 
as he threw aside his garments, a stalwart frame was 
disclosed of enormous bones and muscles. The spir- 
its of the company immediately revived. 

Preparations being finished, the word was given. 
The youth sprang upon his antagonist with the agility 
and ferocity of a tiger! The blood followed at every 
blow of his tremendous fists. The contest was short 
and decisive. The teamster was completely vanquished. 
The hero of this, his first fight for his country, was 



Crawford' s Expedition 



afterward Major- General Daniel Morgan, of Revolu- 
tionary fame! 5 

The Virginia forces, under Washington, which Cap- 
tain Crawford and his company now joined, having 
formed a junction with the troops under Forbes, the 
whole marched forward to the reduction of Fort du 
Quesne. After much delay and many mishaps, the 
post was reached and occupied by Washington on the 
25th of November; the French having previously 
evacuated the place and retired down the Ohio. Cap- 
tain Crawford, after this event, remained in the service 
of Virginia for three years; when he returned to his 
home, in the valley of the Shenandoah, and resumed 
the labors of farmer and surveyor. Here he remained 
until the year 1767, an honored citizen, frequently in- 
trusted with the direction of various local affairs by his 
neighbors. 

While in the army of Virginia, Crawford had become 
familiar with the country watered by the Monongahela 
and its branches, many parts of which he had occasion 
to visit in the public service. He became enamored 
of the trans-Allegheny region, and resolved, at some 
future day, to make it his home. The time had now 
come for him to put his resolution to practical effect. 

Early in the summer of 1767, he started for a horse- 
back trip over the mountains, to seek a suitable local- 

5 Hail's Romance of Western History. Cincinnati; Robert Clarke & 
Co. ; 1869. Chap, vii, p. 121. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 89 

ity for his future home. Having reached the Yough- 
iogheny river, he proceeded to give its valley a more 
thorough examination than he had previously done 
while in the army. After some time spent in an in- 
spection of the surrounding country, he determined to 
locate upon the south side of that stream, at a point 
known at that day as " Stewart's Crossings." 

The spot chosen by Crawford for his residence was 
on Braddock's road, near the place, on the river, where, 
twelve years before, Braddock had crossed on his march 
against Fort du Quesne. It was in Augusta county, 
Virginia, as claimed by that commonwealth ; afterward 
in the district of West Augusta, and, finally, in Yoho- 
gania county until 1779, when Virginia relinquished 
her claim to what is now Southwestern Pennsylvania. 
As claimed by Pennsylvania, it was, in 1767, in Cum- 
berland county ; subsequently in Bedford ; afterward in . 
Westmoreland, and finally in Fayette county, when, on 
the 26th of September, 1783, the latter was formed by the 
legislature. It was opposite the present town of Con- 
nellsville, where the village of New Haven is now located. 
When Crawford, in 1767, fixed his home upon the 
banks of the Youghiogheny, all around was, to a great 
extent, a howling wilderness. But there were many 
features of the country very pleasing to a new-comer. 
The fertility of the soil and the immense growth of the 
forest trees, so different from the eastern side of the 
mountain ranges, gave a romantic charm to this region. 



90 Crawford* s Expedition 

In June, Crawford erected a cabin and immediately set 
to work clearing the forests. He also, it seems, en- 
gaged in trading with the Indians. His family, con- 
sisting of his wife, Hannah, whose maiden name was 
Vance, and his three children — Sarah, John, and Effie — 
were left behind, in the valley of the Shenandoah, at 
their old home. 

Hugh Stephenson, Crawford's half-brother, came to 
the valley soon after ; and the two were now living 
together in the log hut built by William, on the bank 
of the river. Hugh was also a married man, and had 
left his family behind him. In two years, the brothers 
had cleared quite an extensive tract of land, brought it 
under cultivation, and erected suitable buildings for 
their families, which_were removed to the Youghiogheny, 
in 1769. From this time forward, to the events which 
led to his death, Crawford lived at the same place; 
always taking an active, and frequently a leading part 
in public affairs, and making his home — c< Crawford's 
Place," as it was known far and wide — a famous resort 
for pioneers, and a tarrying-place for new-comers to the 
valley. 6 

Crawford's homestead contained three hundred and 

6 " He was a man of good judgment, singular good nature, and great 
humanity ; and remarkable for his hospitality — few strangers coming to 
the western country and not spending some days at the crossing of the 
Youghiogheny, where he lived." — Brackenridge, in the Knight and 
Slover pamphlet, 1783, p. 16. 



Against Sandusky, 1782, 



seventy-six acres of land. Under the laws of the State 
of Pennsylvania, he had, on the 3d day of April, 1769, 
in the name of his son John, made an application to 
the proper office, for an order to have this tract sur- 
veyed. The order was issued, the survey made and 
returned to the land-office, wherein it was described as 
"A certain tract of land called 'Stewart's Crossings/ 
situate on the south side of the Youghiogheny river;" 
following which was a description by metes and bounds. 
The spot was known as cc Stewart's Crossings " from 
the circumstance of one William Stewart having lived 
near the place in the year 1753 and a part of 1754, he 
having been obliged finally to leave the country on ac- 
count of the French taking possession of it. This 
home tract of Crawford's included nearly all of what 
subsequently became the village of New Haven, and a 
considerable quantity of land outside the borough. 

The intimate relations between Washington and Craw- 
ford were not broken off by the removal of the latter 
west of the mountains. They frequently corresponded. 
One of the first letters of the former requested Craw- 
ford to select lands for him in the vicinity — such as he 
could recommend — and to send him a description of 
them. cc If you will be at the trouble of seeking out the 
lands," wrote Washington, from Mount Vernon, on the 
21st of September, 1769, cc I will take upon me the 
part of securing them, as soon as there is a possibility 
of doing it, and will moreover be at all the cost and 



Crawford* s Expedition 



charges of surveying and patenting the same. You 
shall then have such a reasonable proportion of the 
whole as we may fix upon at our first meeting." 7 

Crawford did not fail to attend to the wishes of his 
friend. Several tracts were sought out by him, not 
only for Washington, but also for the brothers of the 
latter — Samuel and John Augustine, and his relative, 
Lund Washington. They are in what is now Perry 
township, Fayette county, on the southern side of, and 
near the Youghiogheny river, about sixteen miles below 
Connellsville. These lands, as well as tracts for other 
parties, were surveyed by Crawford even before they 
were bought of the Indians — the object being to ac- 
quire Virginia rights. 8 Crawford also took up for him- 
self several valuable tracts in the vicinity of his home, 
and afterward purchased other lands from original 
settlers. 

7 Sparks' Writings of Washington, ii, 348. " The date is incor- 
rectly given — 21st September, 1767. It should be 1769." — fame 
Veecb : notes to the author. 

8 Most of the lands belonging to Washington in the West were 
located by Crawford. " We have frequently heard the old surveyors 
along the Ohio, say that they often met with his 'corners.'" — De 
Hass y His. Ind. Wars W. Va., p. 373. " Some of the earliest surveys," 
continues the writer, "within the present limits of Brooke, Ohio, apd 
Marshall counties, Virginia, were made by him. The fees in those 
days rendered the business of surveying rather desirable." The 
surveyor, according to De Hass, sometimes got one-fourth of the land 
for surveying it ! 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 93 

Early in 1770, an occurrence took place at the home 
of Crawford, which created considerable excitement in 
Western Pennsylvania. A young man in his employ, 
John Ingham, who had been indentured to him to learn, 
the art of surveying, brutally murdered, while intoxi- 
cated, an Indian — a warm friend of the Crawford family. 
After committing the deed, the young apprentice fled 
to Virginia, pursued, however, by Crawford and a few 
neighbors, who succeeded in capturing him. He was 
then turned over to the authorities of the State for 
punishment. 

Lord Botetourt, the governor of Virginia, after a con- 
ference with Crawford, sent Ingham under guard to 
Governor Penn, of Pennsylvania ; at the same time 
explaining to the latter, by a letter written at Williams- 
burg, on the aoth of March, 1770, that he had sent 
"the body of John Ingham, he having confessed him- 
self concerned in the murder of Indian Stephen," 
which, from the best information the governor could 
obtain, was committed on a spot of ground claimed by 
Pennsylvania. 9 <c You will find by the paper I have 
inclosed," adds Botetourt, " that there never was an 
act of villainy more unprovoked, or more deliberately 
undertaken." Crawford took every pains to bring for- 

9 The return of this prisoner by Lord Botetourt to Pennsylvania for 
trial, was, in the after-controversy between the two provinces as to 
whom the territory belonged, wielded with great force by Governor 
Penn against the claim of Virginia. 



94 Crawford* s Expedition 

ward the proper evidence against the prisoner, but the 
latter escaped from custody, and was never heard of 
afterward. 

During the year 1770, Crawford was appointed one of 
the justices of the peace for his county — Cumberland. 10 
In the autumn, he received a visit, at his home on the 
Youghiogheny, from George Washington. The latter 
was then on a tour down the Ohio, with a view to 
select and mark out lands for himself and others, 
entitled thereto as officers and soldiers in the French 
and Indian war, under a resolution of the council, and 
proclamation of Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia. 

Washington reached the hospitable cabin of his friend 
Crawford in the afternoon of the 13th of October, 
receiving a most cordial welcome. On the next day, 
Crawford took his guest to a coal-mine not far away. 
The two visited, on the day following, the lands 
selected for Washington. These were near the Youghio- 
gheny, about twelve miles by land from <c Stewart's 
Crossings." On the 16th, Washington started for 
Pittsburg, distant forty-three and a half measured 
miles, taking Crawford, William Harrison, and other 
friends with him. The party arrived at Fort Pitt the 
day following. They found the post garrisoned by two 

10 Bedford county was formed from a part of Cumberland, March 9, 
1 77 1. Westmoreland was formed from the former county, February 
26, 1773. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 95 

companies of royal Irish, commanded by Captain 
Edmondson. A hamlet of about twenty houses built 
of logs, inhabited by Indian traders, had sprung up 
within three hundred yards of the fort. This was the 
embryo city of Pittsburg. 

The party remained here until the 20th, when they 
embarked in a large canoe upon the Ohio, destined for 
the Great Kenhawa. They arrived at Mingo Bottom 
on the 22d. There was, at the time of Washington's 
visit, a village of Mingoes at this point, of about 
twenty cabins and seventy occupants. 

At two o'clock the next day, the party left Mingo 
Bottom, ariving at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa on 
the last day of the month. All the way down, frequent 
stops were made, the country examined, and important 
points noted by Washington, who kept a daily journal 
during the entire tour. On the 4th of November, the 
tourists started on their return up the Ohio. On this 
day, Washington records the fact that they " met a 
canoe going to Illinois with sheep" — a primitive mode 
surely, and a very precarious one, for the transporta- 
tion of live stock from Pittsburg to the vicinity of St. 
Louis ! This was nearly a half century before the 
placid Ohio was first vexed with the paddles of steam- 
boats. 

On the 5th of November the party came to a great 
bend in the river, which forms a portion of what is 
now the southern boundary of Meigs county, Ohio. 



g6 Crawford's Expedition 

On that day Washington wrote : C{ Walked across the 
neck on foot, with Captain Crawford — the distance, ac- 
cording to our walking, about eight miles." 

The voyagers reached Mingo Bottom, on their re- 
turn, on the 17th, where they were detained until the 
20th of the month. At two o'clock on this last day, 
horses having been, in the meantime, brought down for 
them from Crawford's home, they set out, by land, for 
Pittsburg, where they arrived in the afternoon of the 
2 1 st. Leaving Fort Pitt on the 23d, the party arrived 
next day upon the bank of the Youghiogheny, opposite 
the home of Crawford. "When we came to 'Stewart's 
Crossings,' at Crawford's," wrote Washington in his 
diary, "the river was too high to ford, and his canoe 
gone adrift. However, after waiting there two or three 
hours, a canoe was got, in which we passed, and swam 
our horses. The remainder of this day I spent at 
Captain Crawford's, it either raining or snowing hard 
all day." 

On the 25th of November, Crawford went with 
Washington to see the tract of land taken up for Lund 
Washington. It was here the two parted. Washing- 
ton pursued his journey leisurely homeward, arriving 
at Mount Vernon on the first day of December — absent 
nine weeks and one day. 11 Crawford returned to his 
humble cabin upon the Youghiogheny. Both these 
men were, at that date, in the prime of life; both had 

11 Sparks 1 Writings of Washington, vol. ii, pp. 516, 534. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 97 

uncommonly vigorous constitutions ; both had the 
world before them; but alas ! how different was its end- 
ing with them ! By one, at least, it was well that 
nothing was known of the inscrutable future ! 

On the 1 ith of March, 1771, Crawford was appointed 
by Governor Penn to be a justice of the peace for Bed- 
ford county, along with Arthur St. Clair, Dorsey Pen- 
tecost, Robert H«anna, and other men of note, who, by 
virtue of their offices, were the judges of the courts of 
the county. ' Upon the erection of Westmoreland, in 
1773, his commission was renewed for that county, and 
he was made presiding justice for the courts. 

During this year he came near being again visited by 
Washington. The latter was to have been accompanied 
by Lord Dunmore, then the governor of Virginia; but 
his designs were frustrated by the death, on the 19th of 
June, of his step-daughter, Miss Custis. The two 
had contemplated a western tour together. On the 
13th of April, 1773, Washington wrote to Dunmore 
from Mount Vernon, concerning the contemplated 
journey: cc I beg the favor of your lordship to inform 
me, as nearly as you can, of the precise time you will 
do me the honor of calling here, that I may get ready 
accordingly, and give notice of it to Mr. Crawford (if 
your lordship purposes to take the route of Pitts- 
burg), whom I took the liberty of recommending as a 
good woodsman, and well acquainted with the lands in 
that quarter, that he may be disengaged when we get to 



98 Crawford's Expedition 

his house, which is directly on the communication. I 
am persuaded that such a person will be found very 
necessary in an excursion of this sort, from his superior 
knowledge of the country and of the inhabitants who 
are thinly scattered over it," 12 

On the 25th of September, 1773, Washington wrote 
to Crawford from Mount Vernon, asking him to select 
lands for him down the Ohio, below the mouth of the 
Scioto — in the event of the latter contemplating a loca- 
tion for himself in that locality, which he was entitled 
to, under a proclamation of the year 1763: " By Mr. 
Leet I informed you of the unhappy cause which 
prevented my going out this fall. But I hope nothing 
will prevent my seeing you in that country in the 
spring. The precise time, as yet, it is not in my 
power to fix ; but I should be glad if you would let 
me know how soon it may be attended with safety, ease, 
and comfort, after which I will fix upon a time to be 
at your house." 13 But Washington never again visited 
the Youghiogheny. Momentous events were in the 
not distant future. The Revolution was now at hand. 

For several years the country about the head-waters of 
the Ohio had been a subject of dispute between Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia. The quarrel, however, did not 
assume a very threatening aspect until the legislature of 
the former commonwealth embraced all the disputed 

12 Sparks' Writings of Washington, vol. ii, p. 373. 
"W. 375. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 99 

territory — the whole region west of the Laurel Hill — 
in the new county of Westmoreland, in 1773. Imme- 
diately, Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, attempted 
by violent measures to enforce jurisdiction over the 
country. Fort Pitt was seized by a band of armed 
partisans, and its name changed to Fort Dunmore. 
The Pennsylvanians, however, adhered to the old name. 
It was fully restored when Dunmore became odious. 

Crawford, however, although a Virginian by birth, 
remained loyal to the government he was serving, until 
his native State was drawn into a war with the Western 
Indians, in 1774, when his ardent love of adventure got 
the better of his Pennsylvania loyalty ; and, having 
received a captain's commission from the Virginia gov- 
ernor, he raised, without difficulty, a company of men 
to fight the savages, who were now in arms against the 
frontier settlements ; and, in June, marched them to 
Fort Dunmore. 

Crawford was not a prominent actor in " Dunmore's 
War." He did not participate in the famous battle 
of Point Pleasant; nor was he present upon the Scioto 
when the Shawanese made peace with the Virginia 
troops. He had been offered a command second in 
rank to Colonel Andrew Lewis, who had charge of the 
left wing of the Virginia army on the march against the 
hostile Indians; but this he had declined. "You could 
not do better," wrote Lord Dunmore, on the 20th of 
June, to the commanding officer at Fort Dunmore, 



ioo Crawford 's Expedition 

"than send Captain William Crawford with what men 
you can spare to join him, to co-operate with Colonel 
Lewis, or to strike a blow himself, if he thinks he can 
do it with safety. I know him to be prudent, active, 
and resolute." 

The Indian war ended in November, and Crawford, 
who had done efficient service at Wheeling, returned to 
his home upon the Youghiogheny. 14 In the meantime, 
Arthur St. Clair was not unmindful of the fact that his 
associate, a sworn officer of Pennsylvania, had accepted 
a commission from Virginia, and was in direct conflict 
with the peace policy of Penn. So he wrote to the lat- 
ter, on the lid of July : " Captain Crawford, the pres- 
ident of our court, seems to be the most active Virginia 
officer in their service. He is now down the river, at 
the head of a number of men, which is his second ex- 
pedition." — l£ How is it possible," reasoned the chival- 
ric gentleman, "for a man to serve two colonies, in 
direct antagonism to each other, at the same time?" 
The keen-edged sword of Virginia could not be belted 
to the judicial robe of Pennsylvania. "William Craw- 
ford," reiterated this high-toned partisan, " hath joined 
with the government of Virginia in opposing the juris- 
diction of Pennsylvania." Of course this would not 

14 " During Dunmore's campaign, Captain William Crawford was 
sent with a detachment to destroy a Mingo town. He did so, taking 
the prisoners afterward to Pittsburg." — American Archives, Vol. I, 
4th Series, p. 707. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 101 

do ; he must be superseded. A supersedeas was or- 
dered ; and, on the 25th of January, 1775, Crawford 
was removed from all positions held by him in West- 
moreland county. He never again held office under 
Pennsylvania. 

Crawford's allegiance was now fully transferred to his 
native State. In the spring of 1775, ne to °k an active 
part in the boundary troubles, on the side of Virginia. 
He opened a land-office, and, as deputy surveyor, 
made surveys, overriding Pennsylvania claims. En- 
tries were made, citizens dispossessed, and, in some in- 
stances where the legality of his proceedings was denied, 
imprisonments followed. These acts, however, though 
incited by Lord Dunmore and his partisans, were not, 
in the end, confirmed by Virginia, and the new pur- 
chasers lost their titles. Much discontent among the 
settlers was manifest, and Crawford became, for a time, 
very unpopular with those of his old friends who now 
suffered in the loss of money, or who adhered in their 
allegiance to Pennsylvania. CC A set of people who call 
themselves Virginians," wrote Devereaux Smith from 
Hanna's-town, to Penn, on the 14th of February, "have 
taken possession of most of the land here, and say they 
have rights from the Virginia offices, two of which are 
held here — one by Captain William Crawford, and the 
other by Dorsey Pentecost." 

After the erection of Yohogania county by Virginia, 
in November, 1776, Crawford was appointed deputy sur- 



102 Crawford's Expedition 

veyor and one of the justices for that county, which were 
thenceforward the only civil offices held by him. He was 
surveyor of the county so long as it had an existence ; sat 
as justice of its court, at intervals, in 1777, and the year 
following ; and, in the latter part of 1779, and the begin- 
ning of the next year, finished his duties as land-officer. 15 
During all this time, however, Crawford was an actor 
in other scenes, at home or abroad, which reconciled his 
old friends, endeared him to the West, and added much 
to his fame. As the day of the Revolution began to 
dawn, he immediately sank his partisan feelings in the 
nobler impulses of the patriot. He struck hands with 
his Pennsylvania enemies in the cause of liberty ! 

On the 1 6th day of May, 1775, the inhabitants of 
Western Pennsylvania, calling themselves citizens of 
West Augusta, met in convention at Pittsburg, to give 
expression to fheir views and sentiments regarding the 
troubles with the mother country. Crawford acted a 
prominent part at this meeting. He was bold in ad- 
vocating the rights and liberties of America. A com- 
mittee of defense was appointed to concert measures 
for the protection of the inhabitants against the aggres- 
sions of Great Britain. Crawford was placed upon this 
committee. 

When the news of the battle of Lexington reached 
Pittsburg, Crawford lost no time in offering his serv- 

15 Communicated by James Veech, on authority of the minutes of 
the Yohogania County Court, in his possession. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 103 

ices to the Council of Safety, then sitting in Philadel- 
phia ; but, in view of his recent conduct in setting at 
defiance the laws of Pennsylvania, and the bitter feeling 
engendered on account of the transactions of other 
Virginians with whom he had associated, his patriotic 
offer was rejected. 16 

During the fall, Crawford made a tender to his na- 
tive State of his services to raise a regiment for the 
defense of the colonies ; his offer was at once accepted. 
He immediately began recruiting, and, by his own ex- 
ertions, raised the full complement of a regiment. 
Congress, however, determined to receive only six Vir- 
ginia regiments into pay on the Continental establish- 
ment. As the forces raised by this commonwealth ex- 
ceeded her quota, compromises were necessary in 
obtaining positions of command. The consequence 
was that Crawford failed in obtaining a colonelcy which 
he had earned and well deserved. However, on the 12th 
of January, 1776, he entered the Revoluntionary serv- 
ice as lieutenant-colonel of the Fifth Virginia regi- 
ment. On the nth of October, he was appointed 
colonel of the Seventh regiment of the Virginia battal- 

16 At least, such is a tradition. It must be admitted, however, that 
it is not free from a suspicion of inaccuracy. The minutes of the 
Council of Safety, beginning 30th June, 1775, have no notice of such 
an offer; and, at that time, there was, in Pennsylvania, no official or 
quasi-official body competent to receive such a proposal — as the gov- 
ernor (Penn) and council were anti-revolutionary. 



104 Crawford's Expedition 



ions, by Congress, his commission to be dated the 
14th of August. During the year, he was with his 
command— first, in the campaign on Long Island, en- 
gaging in the battles and skirmishes which there took 
place, and, later in the season, sharing in the famous 
retreat through New Jersey. He was one of the heroic 
band which crossed the Delaware with Washington on 
Christmas day ; participating in the victory at Trenton 
on the next day, and at Princeton on the 3d of January, 
1777. 

Crawford, it seems, was with Washington in August, 
gallantly aiding in the abortive attempt to keep the 
British out of Philadelphia. When the latter had 
reached the head of Elk, in Maryland, Washington 
posted a body of militia at Iron Hill, a few miles from 
the British outposts. There were also at Christiana 
creek, about eight miles from Wilmington, Delaware, 
three brigades of Virginia troops, with six field-pieces. 
From each of these brigades, Washington detached a 
body of one hundred light-armed men, to act as scouts, 
the command of which was given to Crawford. The 
latter, while in command of this detachment, rendered 
the commander-in-chief important services ; keeping 
him daily posted as to the most minute movements of 
the enemy. While thus engaged, Crawford had a brisk 
skirmish with a small party of Howe's advance, but 
was compelled to retreat. 

Crawford had early apprehensions of Indian troubles 



•ainst Sandusky , 1782. 105 



in the country about Fort Pitt, and had expressed his 
fears to Washington. On account of these representa- 
tions, two regiments were ordered to be raised on the 
frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, for their de- 
fense ; the latter State responding with a full regiment; 
the former, with several companies : all arriving at Fort 
Pitt in the spring of 1778. In November previous, 
Congress cc Resolved, That General Washington be re- 
quested to send Colonel William Crawford to Pittsburg 
to take the command, under Brigadier-General Hand, 
of the Continental troops and militia in the Western 
Department;" whereupon, Crawford repaired to York, 
Pennsylvania, where Congress was then in session ; 
received his instructions, and soon after departed for 
the scene of his command, having gained largely the 
esteem of the officers and men of his regiment, 17 and 

17 ADDRESS OF THE OFFICERS OF THE SEVENTH VIRGINIA REGIMENT TO 
COLONEL WILLIAM CRAWFORD. 

We beg leave to take tfiis methoa of expressing our sense of the warm- 
est attachment to you, and at the same time our sorrow in the loss of a 
commander who has always been influenced by motives that de- 
servedly gain the unfeigned esteem and respect of all those who 
have the honor of serving under him. Both officers and soldiers 
retain the strongest remembrance of the regard and affection you have 
ever discovered toward them; but as we are well assured that you 
have the best interest of your country in view, we should not regret, 
however sensibly we may feel the loss of you, that you have chosen 
another field for the display of your military talents. Permit us, 
therefore, to express our most cordial wish, that you may find a regi- 



io6 Crawford 's Expedition 

the confidence of Washington as " a brave and active 
officer." In May, 1778, he took command of the 
Virginia regiment, under Brigadier-General Lachlin 
Mcintosh, who had succeeded Hand in command of 
the Western Department. 

Crawford was fitted by nature to be a soldier and 
leader. He was ambitious, cool and brave. He pos- 
sessed, in a high degree, that peculiar courage and skill 
which is adapted to Indian or border warfare. Hence- 
forth his services were given to the protection of the 
frontier. He was at home in the backwoods. As an 
officer, fighting against the disciplined troops of Great 
Britain, he approved himself meritorious, judicious, 

ment no less attached to you than the Seventh, and that your services 
may ever be productive of benefit to your country and honor to your- 
self. 

colonel Crawford's answer. 

Gentlemen : Your very affectionate and polite address demands my 
warmest acknowledgments, which I beg leave to return to you in the 
strongest terms of gratitude and affection. Be assured the officers of 
the Seventh regiment will ever share my tender regard ; and I have 
great hopes that they will continue to merit the brightest esteem of 
their insulted and injured country. 

My kind wishes will ever attend the lowest soldier in the regiment. 

My own abilities are small, but I have this serious satisfaction — that 
they have been, and shall continue to be, exerted to the utmost in 
defense of American liberty, justice, and the rights of humanity. 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, 

Your most humble servant, 

W. Crawford. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 107 

and intrepid. It was in the western wilds, however, 
that he displayed the highest qualities of his genius. 
He had clearly foreseen the coming of the storm that 
was now raging along the border. It was his earnest 
desire — one which he had not been loth to communi- 
cate to his commander-in-chief — to be sent west of the 
mountains for active service against the marauding 
savages. 

It has already been shown how the border settle- 
ments of Pennsylvania were overrun by scalping parties 
in the autumn of 1777. As man V of the war-parties 
were known to cross the Allegheny river, it was pro- 
posed as an obstacle to their ingress in that direction, 
to erect a fort at a suitable distance up that stream, to 
serve as a rallying point for scouts, .as well as afford 
protection for troops. In the spring of 1778, as the 
inroads of the savages seemed on the increase, one of 
the first duties assigned to Crawford was the building 
of this fort. Taking with him a small party of men, 
he went up the river to determine upon the most 
eligible site for the post, and to put it under way of 
erection. About sixteen miles above Fort Pitt, there 
was a shallow place in the stream used as a ford by the 
savages in crossing into the settlements. Here, on the 
south side of the river, a short distance above the 
mouth of Puckety creek, a stockade fort was built, 
which, by direction of Brigadier-General Mcintosh, 
was called Fort Crawford. At intervals during the 



io8 Crawford 's Expedition 

year 1778, and the two following ones, Crawford com- 
manded at that post. 

Early in 1778, Colonel George Rogers Clark 
planned a secret expedition against the British posts 
between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Clark com- 
manded a company in Dunmore's War — he and Craw- 
ford becoming warm friends, ardently attached to each 
other from their association during that campaign. 
Clark invited his friend to join him in the proposed — 
and, as it afterward proved, successful — expedition to 
the Mississippi; but Crawford was obliged to decline 
the service, however pleasing it would, have been to 
engage in the enterprise, on account of the exposed 
condition of the frontiers, which required his constant 
attention. Clark obtained many of his recruits in 
Yohogania county and other parts of Western Vir- 
ginia. All of the British posts in the Illinois were 
captured. " But for this conquest made by Colonel 
Clark, for the United States — and particularly for 
Virginia — in the midst of the terrible struggle with 
England, the boundary of our land, conquered in the 
Revolution from Great Britain, would, in all probabil- 
ity, have been the eastern bank of the Ohio, or the 
Allegheny Mountains, instead of the eastern shore of 
the Mississippi." 18 

18 C/ark's Campaign. Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co., 1869, p. 1. 
The quotation is from the Introduction, by Judge Pirtle, of Louisville. 
In using it, I do not wish to be understood as assenting to the 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 109 

In the autumn of 1778, Crawford took an active 
part, under Mcintosh, in the expedition against De- 
troit, which only resulted, as has already been related, 
in the building of Forts Mcintosh and Laurens. In 
September, he was appointed commander of the troops 
from Yohogania, Monongalia, and Ohio counties, Vir- 
ginia, then at Fort Pitt. On the 8th of October, he 
was ordered to form the militia into a brigade. On the 
27th, being now at Fort Mcintosh, he was required 
to join the Berkeley and Augusta troops into one 
corps, and the Hampshire and Rockingham troops 
into another, to be called the Third and Fourth regi- 
ments of his brigade, from which he was to select a 
company of officers and men for light infantry. 

In building Fort Laurens there was considerable 
trouble with the western troops. On the 3d of De- 
cember, Crawford was permitted to discharge such of 
the mutineers of Ohio county as he might think proper, 
retaining such only as could be depended upon. Craw- 
ford afterward returned with Mcintosh to Fort Pitt. 19 

During the occupation of Fort Laurens, it was fre- 
quently visited by Crawford on official business. The 
usual route was by way of Fort Mcintosh, Yellow 
creek, and Big Sandy; thence down the Muskingum., 
as it was then called. There was also another route, by 

assertion that the conquest was made for Virginia. It necessarily- 
inured to all the States, though undertaken by Virginia authority. 
19 MS. Order Book of General Mcintosh : Irvine Collection. 



iio Crawford's Expedition 

an Indian trail from Fort Mcintosh, by way of the 
Moravian missionary establishments upon that river. 
It was always a perilous undertaking to reach that post ; 
for, as long as it was garrisoned, the vicinity was in- 
fested by Indians who seldom spared a captive. 

On one of his journeys from the fort homeward, 
Crawford had a narrow escape from capture. He and 
a solitary companion had left the fort about eight miles 
behind them, when a large party of savages was de- 
scried about a mile in advance, directly in their path. 
The two immediately crawled into a thick clump of 
bushes and noiselessly awaited the passing of the war- 
riors. As the latter approached the hiding-place of the 
former, an Indian dog got scent of their trail, barking 
furiously along almost to the spot where they were se- 
creted, when he was called back by his master. When 
the savages, who were on horseback, had passed them 
some distance, Crawford carefully made his way out of 
the thicket to watch them. The actions of the dog, 
which was continually turning back on the trail, caused 
one of the Indians to dismount and examine the path 
closely. He soon remounted, however, and the whole 
band were quickly lost to view. Crawford then re- 
turned to his terror-stricken companion, and the two 
resumed their journey, but with greater caution. It 
was considered by both as a narrow escape from death — 
"perhaps," as Crawford afterward frequently remarked, 
cc by the most cruel torture ! " 



inst Sandusky, 1782. 111 



The evacuation of Fort Laurens, in August, 1779, 
and soon after of Fort Mcintosh, brought the Indians, 
without interruption, to the very door of the settle- 
ments, greatly increasing, as previously mentioned, the 
dismay of the borderers. Before the close of the year, 
Crawford had led several small parties into the wilder- 
ness in pursuit of savage depredators. In these expe- 
ditions he was usually successful. His services in pro- 
tecting the exposed settlers were highly appreciated. It 
was not in the pursuit and destruction of the enemy 
alone that Crawford rendered efficient aid; but also in 
advice — meeting with prominent citizens and consult- 
ing upon various methods and plans of defense. 

The year 1780 was one of great activity for Crawford. 
He visited Congress in person to urge a more effectual 
and energetic defense of the frontiers. What was most 
wanted was the necessary funds for properly arming and 
equipping the western volunteers and militia. He 
seems to have been in a measure successful ; as a con- 
siderable amount of war material was soon afterward 
forwarded to Fort Pitt and other western posts. Upon 
his return he again led small parties several times in 
pursuit of the marauding Indians before the close of the 
year. He had often expressed himself in favor of an 
expedition against Sandusky; and had already tried to 
raise a force for its destruction, failing, however, for the 
want of supplies. 

Crawford powerfully aided Colonel Lochry in the 



1 1 1 Crawford' s Expedition 

following year in raising volunteers for Clark's expedi- 
tion against Detroit. On the 1 8th of June, 1781, a 
meeting of the inhabitants of WestmoVeland county 
was held, to devise means for the better protection and 
defense of the border. It was resolved to give efficient 
aid to Clark. Crawford took a prominent part in the 
proceedings. He had intended to accompany Lochry 
down the Ohio, but was prevented by important mat- 
ters requiring his attention on the border. 

Crawford energetically seconded the attempt made by 
Colonel Gibson, commanding at Fort Pitt, to organize 
an expedition against Sandusky. Had it succeeded he 
would have been one of the leading officers. This was 
his last effort as an officer on the Continental establish- 
ment. 20 After six years of but little interruption of 
duty as a soldier and officer of the Revolutionary army, 
he was not sorry to be placed upon the retired list. He 
did not, however, throw up his commission — resolved, 
nevertheless, not to again enter the service, unless there 
was a great necessity for it. 

Than the contest with Great Britain was drawing to a 
close, it needed no prophet to foretell. The capture of 
Lord Cornvtfallis, on the 19th of October, was, to the 
mind of Crawford, an assurance that peace could not 

20 According to LaffePs Records of the Revolutionary War, Crawford 
resigned his position in the army, February 10, 178 1. But the 
weight of authority places the time in the autumn of that year, as 
stated in the text. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 113 

be far distant to the country at large, and, as he be- 
lieved, to the weary border. Under the circum- 
stances, therefore, he gladly accepted the opportunity of 
returning to his home, desiring, henceforth, to lead a 
private life, and to enjoy an undisturbed retirement 
from all public affairs. Having, as he believed, done 
his whole duty to his country, he now thought only of 
spending the remainder of his days in quietude and 
peace. 

Crawford's children were all married and living in the 
neighborhood of his home. Sarah, the eldest, was the 
wife of William Harrison, a man of great spirit and 
distinction. They had six children — Sally, Nancy, Har- 
riet, Battell, John, and Polly. Sarah Harrison, the 
mother, when young was a girl of great beauty. Tradi- 
tions of her splendid features still linger by the rippling 
waters of the Youghiogheny. " It has often been 
said," writes a former resident of Fayette county, "and 
never contradicted, that Sally Crawford, when she mar- 
ried William Harrison, was the most beautiful young 
lady in all that part of the country." 21 

John, the only son, was the idol of his father; cc a 
young man," wrote Hugh Brackenridge, in 1782, 
"greatly and deservedly esteemed as a soldier and 
citizen." 22 Effie, the second daughter, was married to 
William McCormick : they had one daughter — Anne, 

21 Robert A. Sherrard. Notes to the author : 1872. 

22 S lover s Narrative (ed. of 1783), p. 23, note. 



1 1 4 Crawford 's Expedition 

As the year 1782 dawned upon the still healthy and 
vigorous Crawford — the fiftieth of his age — there 
was no greater pleasure for him than to sit in his log 
cabin, by the river's bank, and recount to interested 
listeners the incidents of his eventful life. He often 
expressed his happiness in contemplating the now almost 
assured victory of his country over despotism and op- 
pression — anxious to see her take her stand among the 
nations of the earth — free, happy, independent ! There 
was but one cloud in the otherwise bright sky above 
him: the victories in the east brought no cessation of 
hostilities in the west. The savages still glutted their 
vengeance upon the unwary borderers. The tomahawk 
and scalping-knife still brought death in all the brutality 
with which the Indian was capable, to young and old — 
to either sex. Crawford could not remain an indiffer- 
ent spectator of the terrible scenes still enacting in the 
exposed settlements. His advice was frequently and 
freely given ; and, although resolved to draw the sword 
no more, yet his martial spirit was fully aroused as 
reports came in from the frontiers of the early appear- 
ance of the Indians, and their audacity and horrible 
barbarity. He could hardly restrain himself from hur- 
rving away, with his neighbors, in pursuit of the merci- 
less foe. 

When, therefore, a project began to be agitated in 
the settlements against Sandusky, it is not at all sur- 
prising that we find Crawford taking a deep interest in 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 115 

the scheme. He was early consulted with in regard to 
the matter. He favored the enterprise; but thought 
not less than four hundred men would be necessary. 
Success, in his judgment, would not be assured with a 
less number. To venture so great a distance into the 
enemy's country, with a small force, would, in his view, 
be very hazardous. 

Many eyes were turned upon Crawford as the proper 
person to lead the expedition; but he refused. His 
patriotism, however, pleaded powerfully against his 
settled determination, as he saw a probability of a vol- 
unteer force, respectable in numbers, being raised for 
the enterprise. To add to the plea, his son John, and 
his son-in-law William Harrison, determined to volun- 
teer for the campaign. Pentecost was urgent that he 
should once more take a command. Irvine himself 
thought it would be expedient for him to accept. 

Crawford could no longer refuse. He still held his 
commission as colonel in the regular army ; and the 
commanding officer of the Western Department desired 
him to lead the expedition; cc hence," he reasoned, cc it 
is now my duty to go. I will volunteer with the rest ; 
and, if elected to command, shall do all in my power 
for the success of the expedition." It is the testimony 
of a grandson of Crawford, 23 that he had often heard 
his grandmother say, it was against the will of his 

23 Uriah Springer, now living (1872), in Dunbar township, Fayette 
county, Pennsylvania. Communicated by R. A. Sherrard. 



1 1 6 Crawford 's Expedition 

grandfather to go out in the Sandusky expedition ; 
but, as he held a commission under the government, 
he yielded to the wishes of the volunteers. 

Immediately following his determination to volun- 
teer for the Sandusky expedition, Crawford began to set 
his house in order. No one knew better than he the 
perils of Indian warfare. His long residence west of 
the mountains had, in times past, brought him in con- 
tact with many of the western Indians, before the 
breaking out of the Revolution. He had become ac- 
quainted with the Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots, 
and Mingoes. He was familiar with localities beyond 
the Ohio, although he had never been further west than 
the Muskingum. He did not expect to traverse the 
Indian country as far as Sandusky without encountering 
many obstacles, and, perhaps, righting hard battles; so, 
calculating all the chances, he thought fit to prepare for 
the worst — not, however, from any presentiment of 
disaster, as has so often been alleged, but simply from 
the dictates of prudence. 

On the 14th of May, Crawford and his wife, in con- 
sideration of love and affection and five shillings, con- 
veyed to his son-in-law William Harrison, sixty-eight 
acres of land on the Youghiogheny river, adjoining 
where the latter then lived. The deed was acknowl- 
edged the same day, before Providence Mountz, Esq* 
Appended to it was a curious memorandum, in imita- 
tion of the old English feudal feoffment, " that, on the 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 117 

day of the date thereof, full and peaceable possession of 
said land being taken and had by said Crawford, the 
same was by him, then and there, in due form by turf 
and twig, delivered to said Harrison, and the five 
shillings thereupon paid." 24 

Two days afterward, Crawford made his will. It 
was witnessed by Thomas Gist, John Euler, Mary 
Wright, and Nancy McKee. In it were several be- 
quests. To his wife, he gave the land whereon they 
then lived, during her natural life. He also gave her 
"one negro man, named Dick, and one mulatto man, 
Daniel," — the two to be hers during her natural life ; 
after her decease, to descend to his son John. All his 
personal property was bequeathed to his wife for life. 
To his son, he gave five hundred acres of land down 
the Ohio. He also bequeathed him the reversion of 
his home estate, to descend to his grandson William. 
He made bequests of four hundred acres of land, down 
the Ohio, to each of his other grandsons, Moses and 
Richard, children of John Crawford. 

To his granddaughter Anne, daughter of Effie and 
William McCormick, he bequeathed a like amount of 
land. After making bequests to Anne Connell and to 
her four children — William, James, Nancy, and Polly- 
he concluded his gifts in this language : " And my will 
is, that after my accounts are adjusted and settled, and 

u From the printed sheets of a work entitled, " The Monongabela of 
Old. By James Veech. The book has not been published. 



1 1 8 Crawford *s Expedition 

all my just debts and legacies and bequests paid, that 
all and singular my estate, real and personal, of every 
kind whatsoever, — except a mulatto boy named Martin, 
which I give to my son, John Crawford, and a mulatto 
girl, named Betty, which is to continue with my wife 
Hanna, — be equally divided between my three children, 
viz : John Crawford, Effie McCormick, and Sarah Har- 
rison." 25 

On Saturday morning, the 1 8th day of May, 1782, 
Crawford, having completed all his arrangements, pre- 
pared to take leave of his relatives and friends, who 
gathered around him. His son John, his son-in-law 
William Harrison, and his nephew William Craw- 
ford — a son of Valentine Crawford — had already gone 
on with the volunteers, who had assembled in the neigh- 
borhood. Bidding adieu to his near and dear ones, he 
mounted his horse for the journey, — intending to go 
by the way of Pittsburg. His wife accompanied him 
to the other side of the river, parting with her husband 
in tears and with gloomy forebodings. 

Crawford had a long interview with General Irvine 
at Fort Pitt. The latter gave his opinions and advice 
freely. The particulars concerning the order of march- 
ing were discussed and agreed upon. Crawford pressed 
the commander for some officers to accompany him. 
Two only, Knight and Rose, were spared, as already 

25 "Crawford's will is of record in Westmoreland county. It was 
proved September 10, 1782, and recorded December 29, 1819. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 119 

mentioned, On the 21st, Irvine wrote Washington: 
" I have taken some pains to get Colonel Crawford ap- 
pointed to command, and hope he will be. 26 He left 
me yesterday, on his way down to the place of rendez- 
vous. He does not wish to go with a smaller number 
than four hundred; whether this number will assemble 
I can not say." 27 Crawford, upon his arrival at Mingo 
Bottom, aided the troops in crossing the river, and in 
getting ready for the march — when, as before narrated, 
on the afternoon of Friday, the 24th of May, he was 
chosen by the volunteers their commander-in-chief. 

£< Of his election/' afterward wrote Irvine, " I was 
informed by the county lieutenants west of the Alle- 
gheny mountains, both of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 
not only by verbal communication of some of them, 
but by written report of all." 

Note. — In the preparation of this chapter, I have had occasion to 
consult a memoir of Crawford, written by Alfred T. Goodman, late 
secretary of the Western Reserve Historical Society, and published, in 
1 87 1, in the Crawford County (O.) Forum. I had previously been 
aided by the writer, in my investigations. It is a gratification to make 

26 Irvine had the best of reasons for desiring the election of Craw- 
ford. He was a regular army officer — on the Continental establishment 
of the Virginia line, and well versed in Indian modes of warfare, — as 
we have already seen. Besides, at this time, no man in the Western 
Department was more popular than he. 

27 Sparks' Corr. Amer. Rev., vol. ii, p. 509. 



120 Crawford's Expedition 

public acknowledgment of his advice and assistance; but he who prof- 
fered them, is now 

" In the cold ground, 

Where his pale form was laid, with many tears ! " 

The earliest published memoir of Crawford is to be found in the 
Knight and Slover pamphlet. It was written by Hugh H. Bracken- 
ridge, in July, 1782. It is exceedingly brief. Up to the time of 
his taking command of the expedition against Sandusky, all the events 
of his life, as given, are in these words: 

" Colonel Crawford was about fifty years of age, and had been an 
old warrior against the savages. He distinguished himself early as a 
volunteer in the last war, and was taken notice of by Colonel (now 
General) Washington, who procured for him the commission of en- 
sign. As a partisan, he showed himself very active, and was greatly 
successful. He took several Indian towns, and did great service in 
scouting, patrolling, and defending the frontiers. At the commence- 
ment of this war, he raised a regiment in the back country by his own 
exertions. He had the commission of colonel in the Continental army, 
and acted bravely, on several occasions, in the years 1776, 1777, and 
at other times. He held his commission at the time he took command 
in the aforesaid expedition against the Indians." 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 121 



CHAPTER VI. 

SKETCHES OF THE OFFICERS UNDER CRAWFORD. 

TAAVID WILLIAMSON was a patriot— in one 
-■— ^ thing at least: he loved his country more than 
office. He was willing to make every sacrifice for the 
public good. However mortifying his defeat for the 
chief command of the expedition must have been to his 
feelings, he cheerfully submitted. " I can not but give 
Col. Williamson the utmost credit/' said John Rose, 
in his letter to Irvine, written immediately after the elec- 
tion at Mingo Bottom, cc for his exhorting the whole to 
be unanimous after the election had been made known, 
and cheerfully submitting to be the second in command. 
I think, if it had been otherwise, Crawford would have 
pushed home, and very likely we should have dispersed; 
which would have been likewise the case if Williamson 
had not behaved with so much prudence." 1 

1 It has been extensively circulated that Crawford accepted the office 
of commander of the expedition with apparent reluctance (Doddridge, 
269 ; De Hass, 279, etc.) ; but Rose settles that question. His reluc- 
tance was not in taking command of the troops after the election, but, 
as we have already seen, in joining the expedition. He left his home 
with the full understanding that he was to lead the volunteers. Irvine, 
it is true, allowed the troops to choose their own commander ; but he 
was not backward in letting it be known that he desired the election of 
Crawford. ' Irvine to Washington, May 21, 1782 (Sparks* Corr. Amer. 
Rev., vol. iii, p. 509) ; same to Lyon, November 10, 1799— MS. letter. 



122 Crawford's Expedition 

How much Williamson's complicity in the affair at 
the Muskingum had to do with his defeat, is not now 
known. That he would be a candidate for the leader- 
ship, was evident to Irvine; for, in the letter of Mar- 
shal to the latter, of the 4th of April, the writer, it will 
be remembered, said that Williamson proposed fC to 
carry an expedition against Sandusky." The peculiar 
language of Pentecost to Moore, on the 8th, while at 
Fort Pitt investigating the slaughter at Gnadenhiitten, 
and the exertions of Irvine in favor of Crawford, who 
was not in the Muskingum expedition, and who ear- 
nestly denounced the affair, clearly indicate that he was, 
to a certain extent, under the ban of public opinion in 
the Western Department, on account of the deplorable 
transactions of his men at the Moravian Indian villages. 

In speaking of Williamson, in connection with the 
lamentable occurrences just referred to, Doddridge 
(Notes, 262, 263) says: " In justice to the memory of 
Col. Williamson, I have to say that, although at that 
time very young, I was personally acquainted with him, 
and from my recollection of his conversation, I say, 
with confidence, that he was a brave man, but not cruel. 
He would meet an enemy in battle, and fight like a 
soldier, but not murder a prisoner." Certain it is, no 
one seemed more ready to make personal sacrifices for 
the protection of the country than he. As one of the 
field majors to rank second in command of the expedi- 
tion, he received the entire vote of the volunteers. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 123 

Thomas Gaddis, elected a field major, and third in 
command of the expedition, was a resident of West- 
moreland countv, his home being in that part which, in 
1783, became Fayette — about three miles south of 
Uniontown. His competitor was James Marshal, 
lieutenant of Washington county, c< who was/' wrote 
Rose to Irvine, cc within three or four votes of being 
the third commander." cc I am very sorry," says the 
writer, " Col. Marshal does not march with us." He 
adds: " I think him very popular ; as much so as Col. 
Williamson." Gaddis was well known to many of the 
volunteers as a good citizen and brave soldier. He was 
a field officer of the militia of Westmoreland county, at 
the time of his volunteering for the campaign against 
Sandusky. In his after-life he maintained his prom- 
inence in county affairs, filling honorable offices, civil 
and military ; and was not undistinguished in the 
"Whisky Insurrection." 

John McClelland, elected field major and fourth 
in rank in the campaign, was also a resident of West- 
moreland county, and of that part which soon became 
Fayette. He was not a novice in military affairs, hav- 
ing been a lieutenant-colonel of the Fourth battalion 
of militia of his county, to which office he was elected 
on 3d of January, 1778. He was a brave and efficient 
officer, and much respected as a citizen. His election 
as one of the general officers of the expedition, at 
Mingo Bottom, was an evidence of the confidence re- 



124 Crawford's Expedition 

posed in him by the volunteers, with many of whom he 
was personally acquainted. 

Major Brinton, a field major elect, and fifth in 
command of the expedition, was a man of much spirit— 
a soldier, brave and active. Judging of his merits by his 
subsequent conduct, he unquestionably commanded the 
esteem, as well as the confidence of the volunteers. His 
coolness and bravery in the face of imminent danger, 
were long after alluded to by his surviving comrades, in 
terms of the highest commendation. 

Daniel Leet, elected brigade-major, was a resident 
of Washington county. He was personally known to 
mos.t of the volunteers as a brave soldier and ac- 
complished gentleman. He was an old resident of the 
West — a surveyor ; having been employed by Wash- 
ington to survey and locate lands for him, at an early 
day, in Virginia and Kentucky. In 1776 he was sur- 
veyor of the county of Augusta, Virginia — his commis- 
sion having been granted by the College of William and 
Mary. In 1778 he was doing military duty as a 
militia officer — adjutant — under General Mcintosh, at 
Fort Laurens. On the 2d of April, 178 1, he was 
appointed sub-lieutenant of Washington county, under 
James Marshal, by the Supreme Executive Council of 
Pennsylvania. In the original act establishing Wash- 
ington county, passed the 28th of March, 178 1, Leet 
was named one of the commissioners to purchase 
grounds for a court-house. On the 23d of August of 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 125 

the same year, he was appointed and commissioned one 
of the justices of the peace for his county. On the 
30th of March, 1782, he resigned the office of sub- 
lieutenant. 

Dr. John Knight, an officer in the army under 
Irvine, and spared by the latter to the expedition, 
was, as previously mentioned, appointed its surgeon. 
He was a resident of Westmoreland county — of that 
part which became Fayette, north of the Youghiogheny. 
He enlisted in 1776, as a private in the Thirteenth 
Virginia regiment — afterward known as the Ninth, and 
before the close of the war, as the Seventh. He was 
soon after appointed sergeant, Colonel Crawford being 
at that time in command of the regiment. On the 9th 
of August, 1778, he was appointed surgeon's mate by 
Dr. McKenzie, the principal surgeon at Pittsburg for 
the West. The Virginia regiment to which he be- 
longed was then known as the Ninth. At the time of 
the organization of the expedition against Sandusky, the 
regiment was known as the Seventh Virginia, and was 
commanded by Colonel Gibson. As there had been 
no surgeon named for the Sandusky expedition, Col- 
onel Crawford, while at Fort Pitt, on his way to Mingo 
Bottom, solicited Dr. Knight to accompany him — with 
whom he was well acquainted. The latter expressed a 
willingness to go; and General Irvine finally consented 
to his going, provided Colonel Gibson did not object. 



126 Crawford? s Expedition 

The permission of the latter having been obtained, 2 
the doctor left Pittsburg on Tuesday, the 21st, and ar- 
rived at Mingo Bottom the next day, about one in the 
afternoon. 

John Slover, one of the guides to the expedition, 
was also a resident of Westmoreland county. He was 
a Virginian by birth, and peculiarly fitted for the posi- 
tion. He had been taken captive by the Miami In- 
dians when only eight years of age, spending the next 
six years of his life with that tribe, in what is now 
Southwestern Ohio. The circumstances attending his 
capture were barbarous and cruel. His father's resi- 
dence was then on New river, Virginia. The Indians 
came to his father's house during his absence, while the 
children, consisting of John, his brother Abraham, and 
two sisters, were a short distance away, playing. On 
discovering the savages, John and the two sisters ran to 
the house ; but Abraham made his escape, although 
pursued some distance by two Indians. The mother 
and three children were taken to the woods, the house 
plundered, and then burned. 

Taking their prisoners and all they could carry of 
the plunder, the savages began their march for their 
distant homes. They had proceeded, however, but a 
short distance, when the father returned home. See- 
ing the devastation around — his family all gone — 

2 No better evidence is needed that Col. Gibson approved of the ex- 
pedition. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 127 

he was but too well assured it was the work of the 
Indians. In his great distress, he lost his presence of 
mind, calling loudly the names of his family. The 
Indians hearing him, halted, and sent back two of their 
number. The father was soon killed. In a short time 
the two savages returned to their party with the horse 
their victim had been riding. The mother knew her 
husband had been killed. 

On the journey of the Indians to their towns, they 
gave their prisoners but little to eat. Through fatigue 
and want of food the two sisters died in the wilderness. 
Slover's mother was afterward exchanged, and returned 
home, where she died soon after. Slover, after he had 
been with, the Miamis six years, was sold to a Dela- 
ware Indian, who put him into the hands of a white 
man — a trader. By the latter he was taken to the 
Shawanese upon the Scioto river, where he remained 
six years longer. He was now twenty years of age. 
In the autumn of 1773, he came with the Shawanese to 
Fort Pitt, to a treaty of that year. Meeting with 
some of his relatives, he was persuaded, after much 
reluctance, to relinquish the life of a savage — though 
he had scarcely known any other— for the refinements 
of civilization. 

At the commencement of the Revolution, Slover 
enlisted as a soldier in the Continental army, and 
served fifteen months, when he was discharged. He 
afterward married, and settled in Westmoreland county. 



128 Crawford's Expedition 

His long residence with the Indians in the wilderness 
beyond the Ohio, gave him an excellent knowledge of 
the country now about to be invaded by the volunteers 
under Crawford. Especially was he familiar with the 
country around the head-waters of Sandusky river and 
the Miami. His Indian name was Mannucothe. 

Jonathan Zane, the other pilot engaged for the 
campaign, was a resident of Wheeling. He was born 
in Berkeley county, Virginia. He accompanied his 
brother, Ebenezer Zane, to the West in 1769, when 
they explored the surrounding country, and located 
the town of Wheeling. He also made explorations in 
the summer and fall of 1771, in company with Silas 
Zane, up and down the Ohio — soon becoming familiar 
not only with the region east of that river, but also the 
wilderness beyond. He was, perhaps, the most ex- 
perienced hunter of his day, in the frontier country. 
It would have been difficult to find a man of greater 
energy of character — of more determined resolution, or 
restless activity. He rendered efficient service to the 
settlers about Wheeling, in the capacity of spy. He 
was a guide in the Wapatomika campaign of 1774. 
He was remarkable for earnestness of purpose, an 
energy and inflexibility of will which often manifested 
itself in a way truly astonishing. Few men shared 
more of the confidence or of the respect of his fel- 
low-men than Jonathan Zane. 

Zane was one of the best marksmen upon the bor- 



Against Sandusky r , 1782. 129 

der. He prided himself particularly upon his skill in 
shooting. He was once returning home from hunting 
his horses, when, passing through some high weeds 
near the bank of the river at a spot within the present 
city of Wheeling, not far from his house, he saw five 
Indians jump into the stream and swim for the island 
in the Ohio, opposite the place. Having his rifle with 
him, he rapidly took aim at one of the savages — fired, 
and the Indian sunk. Loading and firing in quick 
succession, three more were killed before reaching the 
opposite bank. The fifth and last one, seeing the fate 
of his companions, concealed himself behind a " sawyer," 
near the shore of the island, hoping thus to escape the 
deadly aim of the white man. After several ineffectual 
attempts to dislodge him, the effort was about to be 
given up, when Zane noticed a small portion of his 
body protruding below the log. Drawing a fine sight 
on his rifle, it was discharged, and the fifth savage 
floated down the river ! 3 Zane had piloted many expedi- 
tions against the Indians ; — in the one under Colonel 
Daniel Brodhead, up the Allegheny, in 1779, he was 
severely wounded. 4 

John Rose, an officer of the regular army, serving 
under General Irvine at Fort Pitt, as before related, 
and who, with Dr. Knight, had joined the expedition, 

3 De Hass' His. bid. Wars W. Va.^ pp. 324, 337. 

4 Dunlevy's Declaration for a Pension, 3d October, ^832. 



130 Crawford's Expedition 

was, at the time of obtaining from the commandant of 
that post leave of absence, aid-de-camp to the latter, 
with the rank of lieutenant. He volunteered for the 
purpose of acting as aid to whoever should be elected 
to command the expedition. 

Some time in the early part of the struggle of the 
Colonies for independence, a fine-looking young man, 
speaking the French language, of prepossessing appear- 
ance, pleasing in manners, and, apparently, highly 
gifted, made his appearance in the cantonments of the 
American army, soliciting a Continental commission. 
But, as there was already an undue number of foreign 
officers, many of them inefficient, his pretensions had 
to be postponed. He gave his name as John Rose. 

The story of Rose was, that, sympathizing with the 
colonists in their struggle with the mother country, he 
had left his home in the Old World, against the urgent 
entreaties of his friends, made his way to Baltimore, 
where he had arrived destitute of money, and where he 
had taken a brief course of surgery under Dr. Wisen 
dorf, a German physician, whose language he spoke. 

The general opinion was, that he was as certainly a 
man of rank as that he was possessed of high attain- 
ments and a finished education. But, on this point, 
the stranger maintained the most profound silence. 
His exemplary conduct and pleasing carriage soon 
won the esteem of the army, and he finally received 
an appointment as surgeon in Colonel William Irvine's 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 131 

regiment — the Seventh Pennsylvania — then com- 
manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Hartley, having previ- 
ously, it seems, done duty as a surgeon's mate in one 
of the hospitals. 

Rose became the warm personal friend of Irvine, 
who had again joined the army at the expiration of his 
parole, and had been placed in command of the Second 
Pennsylvania brigade, and, subsequently, as has al- 
ready been stated, made a brigadier-general. At length, 
a feeling of jealously toward the young foreigner, arose 
on the part of some of the American officers — a feeling 
that had come to be very common toward most of 
those not (< to the manor born." He, therefore, left 
his regiment, in 1780, and volunteered as a surgeon in 
the navy of the United States, only to be taken pris- 
oner by the British, and carried, the same year, to New 
York.* 

5 From New York, Rose addressed a letter to Irvine, which is here 
given entire. The original, which is before me, is in a beautiful 
flowing hand ; the punctuation and spelling are strictly preserved. It 
shows the mastery he had acquired over the English language : 

"New York, Nov. 6tb y 1780. 
"Sir: Since my last Letter to you from Philadelphia, the scene is 
wonderfully changed. My greatest Expectations are annilated, and I 
am inclosed by the impenetrable Walls of a Prevost. If I do but con- 
tinue in health, I shall merrily dance through the various scenes of this 
Tragie comedie, in hopes to accomplish my latest engagements which 
shall always remain sacred on my Side. I am told, a General exchange 



132 Crawford's Expedition 

Upon being exchanged, the following year, he re- 
turned to Irvine's command, and was, it seems, made 
ensign of a company in one of the regiments of the 
Second Pennsylvania brigade. On the 8th of July, 
178 1, Irvine appointed him his aid, with the rank of 
lieutenant. 6 He was received into the family of his 
commander, where he was a great favorite. As he was 
a young man of polished manners, he made himself ex- 
ceedingly agreeable to the household. It is surmised 
that Irvine had, all the time, a suspicion that he was 
entertaining " an angel in disguise." His name — John 
Rose — was certainly a strange one for a foreigner. 
The family were outwardly convinced that his story 
was a true one; inwardly, they were skeptical ! 

Rose came with Irvine to Pittsburg, upon the latter 
assuming command, at Fort Pitt, of the Western De- 
partment, where he soon made himself very popular 

is to take place immediately ; but should this not be the case, the 

thoughts of an approaching Winter, being destitute of every necessary 

to render Life tolerable, make me wish for a change in my present 

situation. Assisted by Your influence in Philadelphia, as I was taken as 

surgeon in the ship Revenge, I make no doubt to see my expectations 

shortly realized. 

'•1 am your most obedient, humble servant, 

'■John Rose." 

6 " Ensign John Rose, entitled to a lieutenancy, is appointed aid-de- 
camp to Brigadier-General Irvine, and to be respected as such." — Ir- 
vine's Order-Book, July 8. 1781 : MS. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 133 



with the country people. In consenting to spare his 
favorite aid-de-camp to the expedition against San- 
dusky, General Irvine showed clearly the interest he 
had in the success of the enterprise. " Crawford pressed 
me for some officers/' wrote Irvine to Washington, in 
his letter of the 21st of May; " I have sent with him 
Lieutenant Rose, my aid-de-camp, a very vigilant, ac- 
tive, brave young gentleman, well acquainted with 
service; and a surgeon. These two are all I could 
venture to spare." 7 

The arrival of Rose at Mingo Bottom was at six 
o'clock in the afternoon of Wednesday the 22d of 
May. cc The Mingo Bottom," wrote the gallant sol- 
dier to his commander, at Fort Pitt, two days after, 
"is not a very long day's journey from Pittsburg; 
notwithstanding I did not arrive here until the next 
day, late in the afternoon. I found every body cross- 
ing the Ohio with the utmost expedition ; and I my- 
self pushed over immediately after my arrival." <c My 
fears," continued Rose, "that the present expedition 
would miscarry, have been dispelled this very moment 
only." 8 He also added : cc Major Pollock has furnished 
Dr. Knight and myself forty-five pounds of bacon. I 
can not persuade him to take any pay for it but a mere 

7 Sparks* Corr. Amer. Rev., iii, 502. 

8 Rose to Irvine, 24th May, 1782. 



134 Crawford's Expedition 

receipt. I do not understand upon what principles 
they furnish these articles." 

The presence of Rose at Mingo Bottom gave much 
satisfaction to such of the volunteers as had previously 
made his acquaintance at Fort Pitt; yet most of the 
army knew as little of his splendid genius as of his 
real history. In his letter to Irvine, just mentioned, 
he wrote: (( My presence caused, seemingly, uneasi- 
ness. It was surmised I had been sent to take com- 
mand. An open declaration of mine, at a meeting 
of the officers, that I did not intend to take upon my- 
self any command of any kind whatsoever, but to act 
as an aid-de-camp to the commanding officer, seemed 
to satisfy every one, and all goes on charmingly." cc I 
must beg the favor of you," said Rose, in conclusion, 
cc to receive my half-boots from Patrick Leonard, and 
one pair of shoes, as I am already almost barefooted." 

The volunteers were captivated by the fine appearance 
of Rose — by his urbanity and warm-heartedness. C{ Mr. 
Rose, your aid-de-camp," wrote Marshal 9 to Irvine, on 
the 29th, "was very hearty when I left him at Mingo 
Bottom. His services, on this occasion, have endeared 

9 An article in The Galaxy, for February, 1867, written by William 
L. Stone, giving a sketch of Rose, assigns the writing of this letter to 
" Lieutenant Washington Custis ! " and says it was written to Irvine 
" at the close of the expedition." These blunders are unaccountable, 
as the original letter was then in the possession of Mr. Stone. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 135 

you much to the people of this county, and given 
general satisfaction to the men on the expedition." 10 

Note. — It had been my intention to devote a portion of this chap- 
ter to sketches of the different captains elected ; but. after research, I 
have only obtained the names of eleven, which have already been 
given. No account of these, worthy of being recorded, has come into 
my possession, except a brief n ention of Craig Ritcbe, who was born 
in Glasgow, December 29, 1758. He came to America in 1772. At 
the age of thirty he married Miss Mary Price. He earlv evinced 
extraordinary talents for business — becoming a successful merchant in 
Canonsburg, Washington county. His energy of character, business 
habits, integrity of principle, and general intelligence, secured to him 
a widely extended reputation. He served several years in the legisla- 
ture. During the ,% Whisky Insurrection " he was on the side of law 
and order. He enjoyed the confidence and friendship of George 
Washington, acting as the agent of the latter, so far as Washington 
county was concerned, in the management of his landed interest. For 
honesty, goodness, and charity, Mr. Ritchie had no superior in the 
western country. He died June 13, 1833. 

10 This letter concludes as follows : " A report prevails in the coun- 
try that Britain has acknowledged our independence. I could wish to 
be informed of the truth of this report. I have been asked, bv a 
Presbyterian minister and some of his people, to request you to spare 
one gallon of wine, for the use of a sacrament. If it is in your power 
to supply them with this article. I make no doubt you will do it, as it 
can not be obtained in any other place in this country." 



136 Crawford's Expedition 



CHAPTER VII. 

MARCH OF THE ARMY FROM MINGO BOTTOM TO SANDUSKY. 25TH 
MAY— 4 th JUNE, 1782. 

EARLY on the morning of Saturday, the 25th of 
May, 1782, the army under Crawford, in four 
columns, began its march from Mingo Bottom, in the 
straightest direction, through the woods, for Sandusky, 
distant one hundred and fifty miles. "A perfect har- 
mony existed among officers and men, and all were in 
high spirits." 1 The route lay through what is now the 
counties of Jefferson, Harrison, Tuscarawas, Holmes, 
Ashland, Richland, and Crawford — nearly to the center 
of 'Wyandot county, Ohio. A direct course would 
have led near the present towns of New Philadel- 
phia, Millersburg, Loudonville, and Galion ; but, as 
will hereafter be seen, this straight line was not fol- 
lowed. The whole distance, except about thirty miles 
at the end of the route, was through an unbroken 
forest. 

The only indication of civilization — and that a very 
sad one — in all the region to be traversed, was the 
wasted missionary establishments in the valley of the 
Muskingum. Except in the open country just before 

1 Marshal to Irvine, 29th May, 1782 : Original letter. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 137 

reaching Sandusky, and along the immediate margins of 
the streams, the surface is hilly. The principal imped- 
iments to a rapid march were the hills, swamps, and 
tangled growth of the forests. The Muskingum, Kill- 
buck, forks of Mohican, and Sandusky were the 
streams to be crossed ; all of which, at this season of 
the year, and especially in the spring of 1782, were ford- 
able without difficulty. It had been estimated by Ir- 
vine that the distance could be made in seven days, 
and that one hundred and seventy-five miles would 
have to be traveled. 

As the cavalcade moved up over the bluff, an almost 
due west course was taken, striking at once into the 
wilderness, now deepening and darkening around it. 
The army progressed rapidly at first, moving along the 
north side of Cross creek, which had already received 
the name it still bears. After leaving what is now 
Steubenville township, it passed through the present 
townships of Cross Creek and Wayne, to the western 
boundary of Jefferson county, as at present defined ; 
crossing thence into what is now Harrison county, in 
German township; thence across the summit to the 
spot where the town of Jefferson now stands. 

From this point, a straight course would have led 
them at no great distance into what is now Carroll 
county. But their horses had tired under their heavy 
loads in the hills and swamps. This obliged them to 
incline to the southward toward the wasted Moravian 



138 Crawford" s Expedition 

towns, into a more level country, though more fre- 
quented by hunters and warriors. 2 This alternative was 
accepted by Crawford with great reluctance, as his policy 
was to avoid Indian trails and the region infested by the 
enemy, relying for success, as already stated, upon effect- 
ing a surprise. Otherwise, he would have followed "Will- 
iamson's trail" from Mingo Bottom to the Muskin- 
gum, which led along a considerable distance south, near 
where Smithfleld, in Jefferson, and Cadiz, in Harrison 
county, now stand, — through a region not so difficult 
to be traversed, but on the line of Indian traces be- 
tween that river and the Ohio. 

From the moment of starting, every precaution was 
taken against surprises or ambuscades, and this, too, 
although, as yet, not an Indian had been seen. The 
wily nature of the savage was too well understood by 
the commander of the expedition, to allow of any con- 
fidence of security, because no foe had been discovered. 
Unceasing vigilance was the watchword. Captain John 
Biggs' company, its lieutenant being young William 
Crawford, nephew of the commander, took the advance, 
on the march, led by the two pilots, Slover and Zane. 
"John Rodgers stated to me," writes Robert A. Sher- 
rard, "that the company he belonged to, in which were 

2 Rose to Irvine, 13th June, 1782. The original letter is on file in 
the State Department, Washington. I am indebted to the courtesy of 
Hon. John Sherman for a copy of it, and for other valuable MS. docu- 
ments. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 139 

James Paull, Daniel Canon, Alexander Carson, my 
father (John Sherrard), and others, marched all the 
way as the first company." 3 

Nothing worthy of note transpired until Monday 
night, the 27th, while at their third encampment. 
Here a few of the men lost their horses, which were 
hunted for the next morning, without success. It was 
thought best by Crawford that these men should return 
home, as their continuing with the army, unable, as they 
would be, to carry little besides their arms, would only 
prove a source of embarrassment. Reluctantly, there- 
fore, they retraced their steps to Mingo Bottom. 

On Tuesday, the fourth day of the march, the army 
reached the Muskingum, some distance below the up- 
per Moravian village, known as New Schonbrunn, 
located on the west bank of the river, one and a quar- 
ter miles south of the site of the present town of New 
Philadelphia, about a quarter of a mile from Lockport, 
in Goshen township, Tuscarawas county. Gnaden- 
hiitten, the middle village, was situated on the east 
side of the Muskingum, further down the river, in 
what is now Clay township, lying in the outskirts of 
the present town of Gnadenhiitten. Salem, the lower 
village, was located on the western bank of the stream, 

3 Notes to the author, 1872. Several of the incidents of the cam- 
paign communicated by Mr. Sherrard, given hereafter, have already 
been published. 



140 Crawford's Expedition 

one and a half miles southwest of the present town of 
Port Washington, in Salem township. 

Crossing the Muskingum in the afternoon, and 
marching up the western side of the stream until they 
reached the upper village of the Christian Indians, 
they made their fourth encampment among its ruins. 
Only sixty miles had been made in the four days' 
travel — an average of but fifteen miles a day. This 
was a discouraging prospect to Crawford ; however, it 
was believed that better time could be made on the bal- 
ance of the route, as the country would be less hilly 
and the loads upon the horses less burdensome. 

The charred remains of New Schonbrunn, where the 
army was encamped, presented a sad spectacle. All 
around was silence and desolation. The village had 
been built during the summer of 1779, on a broad and 
fruitful bottom of the river, skirted by a plateau that 
extended to the hills. It was occupied by the Chris- 
tian Indians, for the first time, in December of that 
year. The town was sacked, and its inhabitants carried 
off by the British and their allies, as before related, in 
September, 178 1, to the banks of the Sandusky. The 
houses were burned, as were those of the other villages, 
by Williamson's men on their last visit to the valley. 4 

4 On the 11th of November, 1798, David Zeisberger, one of the 
missionaries, returned to New Schonbrunn, and found nothing to indi- 
cate the site of the once happy village, save here and there a post of 
what had been the garden fences of the inhabitants. A great many 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 141 

The killing of the men, women, and children, as already 
mentioned, occurred at the middle village — Gnaden- 
hiitten. 

While the army lay encamped at this point, the 
horses were plentifully fed in the fields upon corn from 
the stalks, which was found still ungathered and in 
abundance — the unharvested crop of the previous year ! 
During the evening, Major Brinton and Captain Bean 
went some distance from camp to reconnoiter. When 
but a quarter of a mile away they espied two savages, 
upon whom they immediately fired, but without effect. 5 
These were the first hostile shots fired at the foe. It 
was supposed, by Crawford, that the army had not be- 

Indian implements and vessels lay scattered on the ground. The place 
was then called Tuppakin, or, by some, Opakin, or the Upper Mora- 
vian Town. The whole region was overgrown with bushes and rank 
weeds. — Scbweinitz's Zeisberger, p. 655, note. 

5 Knight' V Narr.^ p. 5. Concerning this affair, Doddridge, in his 
Notes, p. 270, says: "As soon as the news of the discovery of Indians 
had reached the camp, more than one r half the men rushed out 
without command, and in the most tumultuous manner, to see what 
happened." Upon what authority this statement is made does not 
appear. It certainly is wholly unworthy of credit. " From that 
time," adds Doddridge, "Colonel Crawford felt a presentiment of the 
defeat which followed." This adds much to its improbability ; for, 
surely, had he such a presentiment it would have been kept in his own 
breast. Schweinitz {Zeisberger, p. 565), in copying this account from 
Doddridge, makes it still more absurd : " A glimpse of two Indian 
scouts, watching their movements, threw them into such confusion 
that dark forebodings filled the mind of their leader! " 



142 Crawford' s Expedition 

fore been discovered by the enemy. Fallacious belief! 
Secrecy being now out of the question — as the two 
Indians had made their escape — it only remained for 
Crawford to press forward, with all practicable dis- 
patch, to afford the enemy as little time as possible for 
defensive preparations. The march was continued, 
therefore, on the morning of the 29th, rapidly, but 
with greater precaution than had previously been ob- 
served. The guides, taking a northwest course through 
the wilderness from the Muskingum, brought the army 
to the Killbuck, some distance above the present 
town of Millersburg, county-seat of Holmes county. 
" Thence," says Dunlevy, "we marched up the Kill- 
buck." 6 At not a great distance the army reached a 
large spring, known at the present time as Butler's or 
Jones' Spring, near the line of Wayne county, ten 
miles south of Wooster, where, on the evening of 
Thursday, May 30th, the volunteers encamped. 

At this spring one of the men died and was buried. 
His name was cut on the bark of a tree close by his 
grave. 

From this point, the army moved westward, along 
the north side of what is known as Qdell's lake — pass- 
ing cc between two small lakes, where they found the 
heads of two large fish, freshly caught, lying on the 
ground, which awakened a suspicion that Indians were 

6 Dunlevy's application for a pension. 



ainst Sandusky, 1702. 143 



near/' 7 Thence they passed near the spot where was 
afterward the Indian village of Greentown, 8 in what is 
now Ashland county. From this point they struck 
across to the Rocky Fork of the Mohican, up which 
stream they traveled until a spring was reached, near 
where the city of Mansfield now stands, in Richland 
county ; thence a little north of west, to a fine spring 
five miles farther on, in what is now Springfield town- 
ship — a place now known as Spring Mills, on the line 
of the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad, 
eight miles east of the town of Crestline, in Crawford 
county — where, on the evening of the 1st day of June, 
the army halted- and encamped for the night. 

The army had now reached, as was supposed, the 
heads of streams flowing north into Lake Erie. 9 This, 
however, was an error; these, in reality, flowed into 
the Mohican. A short distance traveled on the 2d of 
June, brought the cavalcade to other small streams 
having a northern trend, which were, in fact, afflu- 
ents of the Sandusky. The army crossed into what is 

7 Philip Smith's Recollections of Crawford's Expedition. Smith de- 
scribes this incident with particularity. 

8 Greentown was situated on section 18, township 20 north, of range 
16 west, in the present township of Green. — Hough and Bourne's Map 
of Ohio, 181 5. It seems that a tradition has long prevailed in this re- 
gion, that the route taken by Crawford was through Ashland county, 
but nothing definite could be traced from it. — Knapp's Hist. Ashland 
County, p. 1 4.. 

9 Declaration for a pension : Dunlevy. The same is mentioned in 
his MS. notes of the campaign. 



144 Crawford's Expedition 

now Crawford county, 10 at one o'clock in the afternoon, 
and about an hour after reached the Sandusky river at 
a point immediately east of what is now the village of 
Leesville, at the mouth of a small creek called Allen's 
run, when a halt was called, and the volunteers took a 
half-hour's rest on the banks of the stream for which 
they had been, for some time, very anxiously looking. 

The Sandusky river, upon the banks of which Craw- 
ford was now resting his army, rises in what is known 

10 On the 20th day of February, 1820, the General Assembly of 
Ohio passed an act for the "erection of certain counties" in the 
northwestern portion of the State, out of a vast tract of several mill- 
ions of acres which had before been acquired by treaty from the 
Indians. This extensive area was known as the New Purchase. Its 
western and northern boundaries were the same as that of the State. 
It was bounded on the east by a line drawn from a point a little east 
of the site of the present town of Cardington, Morrow county, north 
to Lake Erie. Its southern boundary, beginning at the same point, 
stretched away, in a southwesterly direction, to the western limits of 
the State. Fourteen counties were constituted by name and boundary, 
out of most of this extensive territory, by the act of 1820, each con- 
taining a certain number of townships (and, in some cases,, parts of 
townships), as surveyed and platted by the United States. One of 
these counties, to contain townships 1, 2, and 3 south, in ranges 13, 14, 
15, 16, and 17 east, and all the land east of these townships, up to 
what was then the western limits of Richland county, was very ap- 
propriately — as we shall hereafter see — named Crawford. Crawford 
county, Pennsylvania, also named in honor of the commander of the 
Sandusky expedition,. was taken from Allegheny county, by act of the 
legislature of that State, of the 12th of March, 1800. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. x 45 

as the <c Palmer Spring/' in Springfield township, Rich- 
land county. Several small creeks flow into the main 
stream before the latter reaches Leesville, in Crawford 
county: these are what may be termed the heads of the 
Sandusky. The general course of the river in Craw- 
ford county is southwest. It passes into Wyandot 
county a little over two miles north of the southeast 
corner, sweeping round to the northward soon after, and 
following generally a northerly direction through that 
county. It pursues thence the same general course 
through Seneca and Sandusky counties, falling into the 
head of Sandusky Bay about eighty miles, by the course 
of the stream, from its source. 

The Sandusky is a rapid and shallow river, having an 
average descent of about six feet to the mile throughout 
its course. Its waters are usually low in the summer, 
with an occasional flood to fill its banks. During the 
rest of the year a considerable addition is seen in its 
size. In 1821, according to the observations of Will- 
iam Spicer, a white man captured when young by the In- 
dians, and who then had lived forty years upon its banks, 
the water rose higher than at any previous time within 
his recollection. In January, 1847, it rose considerably 
above the mark of 1821. Since then the waters have 
been still higher ; the sudden overflows being the re- 
sult of the clearing up of the country watered by the 
stream. In descending the river, the principal tribu- 
taries upon the right hand, in Crawford and Wyandot 



146 Crawford's Expedition 

counties, are the Broken Sword and Sycamore; upon 
the left, the Little Sandusky and the Tymochtee. 

Long before a white man lived upon the soil of Ohio, 
the Sandusky was a water-route of travel, from Canada 
to the Mississippi, of the early French travelers. 
These ascended the stream to the mouth of the Little 
Sandusky ; thence up that creek four or five miles to a 
portage ; thence across the portage — a fine road of 
about a quarter of a league— to the Little Scioto ; 
thence down that stream to the Scioto proper, a tribu- 
tary of the Ohio. "Ascending the Sandusky," writes 
William Walker, 11 " to the mouth of the west branch 
known as the Little Sandusky, with a bark or light 
wooden canoe, you could, in a good stage of water, 
ascend that tributary four or five miles further. Thence 
east, across to the Little Sciota, is a distance of about 
four miles. This was the portage." " This place," 
writes Col. James Smith, who was here in 1757, "is in 
the plains between a creek that empties into Sandusky 
and one that runs into Sciota; and at the time of high 
water, or in the spring season, there is but about one- 
half mile of portage, and that very level, and clear of 
rocks, timber, or stones." 13 Even before the French 

11 Communicated to the author, 1872. 

12 An Account of the Remarkable Occurrences in the Life and Travels 
of Col. James Smith. Lexington (Ky.) : 1799, p. 86. There is an ex- 
cellent reprint of this work by Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 1870; 
with an Appendix by William M. Darlington, of Pittsburgh, contain- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 147 

had any settlements in the valley of the St. Lawrence or 
the Mississippi; or before that most indomitable ad- 
venturer and explorer, La Salle — the first of Europeans 
to set foot upon any portion of the territory now 
constituting the State of Ohio, and the first of civilized 
men to discover the river, which washes its southern 
boundary — spread the first sail upon Lake Erie; the 
northern Indians made the Sandusky and Scioto their 
route of travel in their predatory wars upon southern 
tribes. 

The name Sandusky is the Sandusquet of the old 
French traders and voyagers ; the Sak-un-dus-kee, " clear 
water," or San-doos-tee, cc at the cold water," of the 
Wyandots ; from the clear } cold water of the springs 
near the south shore of Sandusky Bay; or, it may 
have been derived from Sa-undustee — " water within 
water-pools," also a Wyandot word. C( The latter sig- 
nification is peculiarly applicable to Sandusky Bay and 
the extensive marshes on its borders, which are inter- 
sected, in many directions, by pools and channels of 
open water." 

We left Crawford and his army enjoying a short 
rest just at the spot where they first came upon the 
Sandusky, in what is now Jefferson township, three 
miles west of the present village of Crestline, Crawford 

ing much valuable information. I have been aided frequently by Mr. 
Darlington in my investigations. 



148 Crawford's Expedition 

county. Notning material had transpired during the 
march from the Muskingum. Not an Indian had been 
seen. The army had traveled in the last five days about 
eighty-five miles. They were now fairly in the enemy's 
country, distant due east from the point of destination 
only twenty-five miles. They had, however, reached 
the river a little too far south to strike the Wyandot 
trace, which led on directly west to their town. Slover 
announced to the commander that the open country — 
the Sandusky Plains — was but a few miles away, in a 
southwest direction. Following along the southern 
margin of the stream until it suddenly swept around to 
the north, the army then struck off from it through a 
somewhat broken country for two miles, and encamped 
a short distance beyond, where the surface was quite 
level. They were still in what is now Jefferson town- 
ship, but very near the eastern edge of the Plains. 

Early in the morning of the 3d of June, the army 
emerged from the dark woods, which had so long 
enshrouded them, into the sunlight of the open 
country. 13 It was at a point not very far west of a 

13 "A trivial incident occurred during the march, which made an un- 
favorable impression upon the minds of those superstitiously inclined. 
A fox, by some means, got into the lines, was surrounded by the men, 
but managed to escape unhurt. ' This,' reasoned the credulous in 
signs and omens, ' portends a failure ; for, if the whole army is unable 
to kill a fox under such circumstances, what success can be expected 
against Indians." — Recollections of Philip Smith. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 149 

small creek flowing south — a tributary of the west 
branch of the Olentangy, or Whetstone, one of the 
affluents of the Scioto — in what is now Whetstone 
township ; a memorable spot, as we shall hereafter see. 
To most of the volunteers the sight of the Plains 
was a novel one. The high, coarse grass, the islands 
of timber, the gradually undulating surface, were all 
objects of surprise. Birds of a strange plumage flew 
over them ; prairie hens rose before them, sailing away 
and slowly dropping into the grass, on either hand. 
Sand-hill cranes blew their shrill pipes, startled by the 
sudden apparition. Prairie owls, on cumbrous wings, 
fluttered away in the distance; and the noisy bittern was 
heard along the streamlets. Wild geese were frightened 
from their nests ; and occasionally a bald or gray eagle 
soared far above them. Many fox-squirrels were seen ; 
and rattlesnakes also were found to be very numerous. 
The Sandusky Plains lie within the counties of Craw- 
ford, Marion, and Wyandot, south and west of the 
Sandusky river, seldom reaching to the bank of the 
stream, however ; although the latter may be said to 
bound them on the north in Crawford, and on the east 
in Wyandot county. In the former county their 
eastern boundary is the Olentangy ; in Wyandot, their 
western boundary is the Tymochtee. 14 On the south 

u Tymochtee is a Wyandot word, signifying " around the plains." 
Skirting around the Plains, as does this stream on the west, no name 
could be more appropriate. The Plains may be bounded, in general 



150 Crawford's Expedition 



they make a deep curve into Marion county, including 
a large portion of the northern half of its territory- 
Their extreme length, east and west, from Whetstone 
township, in Crawford county, to Tymochtee township, 
in Wyandot county, is something over forty miles ; 
their greatest breadth, north and south, nearly twenty 
miles. They have an average elevation above Lake 
Erie of about three hundred feet. 

Although cultivation is rapidly obliterating all traces 
of the boundary of these natural meadows, so far as 
indicated by the growth of the forest trees, yet they will 
ever be traceable by the change in the quality of the 
soil, which is very marked. Opinions as to the origin 
of these fertile prairies are speculative. The cause 
of the absence of forest trees is due, perhaps, to surface 
peculiarities, the nature of the soil, and the action of 
fire and water. 

These Plains were always a favorite hunting-ground 
for the Indians. A ring-hunt, in these glades, was rare 
sport for the savages. <c We waited," writes Smith, 
who participated in one as early as 1757, cc until we 
expected rain was near falling to extinguish the fire, and 
then we kindled a large circle in the prairie. At this 
time, or before the bucks began to run, a great number 
of deer lay concealed in the grass, in the day, and 
moved about in the night; but as the fire burned in 

terms, on the north by the Sandusky, on the east by the Olentangy, on 
the south by the Scioto, on the west by the Tymochtee. 



Against Sandusky \ 1782. 151 

toward the center of the circle, the deer fled before the 
fire: the Indians were scattered also at some distance 
before the fire, and shot them down every opportunity, 
which was very frequent, especially as the circle became 
small. When we came to divide the deer, there were 
above ten to each hunter, which were all killed in a few 
hours. The rain did not come on that night to put out 
the outside circle of the fire, and as the wind arose, it 
extended through the whole prairie." 15 

The route of the army was through the present 
townships of Bucyrus and Dallas, in Crawford county — 
passing a little over three miles south of what is now 
the town of Bucyrus — county-seat of the county — 
thence into what is now Antrim township, in Wyandot 
county. Here the army encamped near the site of the 
present village of Wyandot, within ten miles of their 
point of destination. 

The next morning — the 4th of June — at seven 
o'clock, after careful preparations for any emergency, 
the army began its march, in nearly a northwest direc- 
tion. After about six miles' travel, the mouth of the 
Little Sandusky was reached. The spot was a familiar 
one to Slover. Three Indian trails led off from 
this point : one southeast, through the Plains, to Owl 
creek — now the Vernon river— leading thence down the 

15 Smith's Narrative, p. 85. 



152 Crawford' 's Expedition 

Walhonding; 16 one south, up the east side of the 
Little Sandusky, to the portage; the other southwest, 
to the Shawanese towns upon the Mad river and the 
Miami. There was, also, a trace leading north along 
the east side of the river, in the woods, which was the 
main trail down the Sandusky. 17 

Crossing the river, Crawford's course was along the 
east bank of the stream, following the Indian trace in a 
direction a little west of north, in what is now Pitt 
township. The army moved with great caution. Not 
an Indian, however, was seen. Crawford was assured 
by Slover that the Wyandot town was close at hand. 
As yet there had not been discovered any indications of 
an Indian settlement, except a sugar-camp, where maple 
sugar had evidently been made the previous spring. 
Passing a bluff bank, the river made a sudden turn, 
flowing almost directly west. The movement of the 
army was now rapid. A little farther on, just where 
the river enters what is now Crane township, suddenly 
an opening in the woods before them was discernible — 
and the Wyandot town was reached. To the utter 

16 It was along this trail, from the Vernon river to the mouth of the 
Little Sandusky creek, that the Christian Indians and the Moravian 
missionaries, were marched by their captors, in September, 178 1, to the 
banks of the Sandusky. This route from the Moravian villages down 
the Muskingum to the Walhonding, thence up that stream, and the Ver- 
non river, many have heretofore supposed was the one taken by Crawford. 

17 Communicated by William Walker, 1872. 






Against Sandusky, 1782. 153 

astonishment of the whole army, it was found unin- 
habited ! All was a solitude. The log huts had, 
apparently, been deserted for some time. Here was a 
dilemma ! 

No one in the army had known of the removal of 
the Wyandots from their town. It was their principal 
village when Slover was a captive among the Miamis, 
and had been often visited by him. The volunteers 
began to suspect there had been a great mistake made; 
that there was no settlement of the Indians nearer than 
Lower Sandusky — over forty miles below. Crawford 
ordered a halt. It was now one o'clock in the after- 
noon ; and the commander desired a brief time for a 
consideration of the strange aspect of affairs, and for a 
consultation with his officers. 

The volunteers dismounted, and many slaked their 
thirst from a tine spring not far from the margin of 
the stream. Their horses were refreshed upon the wild 
grass growing luxuriantly upon the river bottom. The 
site of the deserted village was a beautiful one. There 
was a considerable belt of timber to the westward, 
skirting the Plains, which were distant nearly a mile. 
It was, therefore, well protected from the bleak winds 
of winter and from the autumnal fires which swept the 
open country. Its location was three miles, in a 
southeasterly direction, from the site of the present 
town of Upper Sandusky, county-seat of Wyandot 



154 Crawford's Expedition 

county, on the opposite or east side of the river, and 
upon its immediate bank. 18 

Note i. — In the preparation of this chapter and some of the follow- 
ing ones, I have had occasion frequently to rely upon the recollection 
of William Walker, as to the location of many places of note. In 
speaking of the Wyandot town in a communication before me, he 
says: " The village was on the east bank of the Sandusky, opposite the 
upper south rim of what is known as ' Armstrong's Bottom,' where 
Silas Armstrong, in 184c, built a brick house. When I came to the 
Sandusky country, in the fall of 1813, this bottom was a fine blue- 
grass pasture, interspersed with plum thickets ; conclusive evidence 
that it had once been under cultivation." This is a very intelligible 
direction to the site of the old town, to any one acquainted with the 
topography of Wyandot county. 

Several localities of historic interest were visited by Walker in his 
younger days, in company with aged and very intelligent Wyandots, 
who pointed out these (to them very familiar) places. His recollec- 
tion of the different points, as shown him, is remarkably distinct: a 
most fortunate circumstance ; as, perhaps, no other person now living 
(187/) would be competent to supply the information so necessary to 

l8 The exact locality of this, the objective point of the expedi- 
tion — the earliest Upper Sandusky known to* history — " the old Up- 
per Sandusky town " of the Moravian Heckewelder (Narr. Morav. 
Miss. 281) — was upon what is now the east half of the southeast 
quarter of section nine, in township three south, of range fourteen 
east, of the government survey. The larger part of this tract is 
marked on the map of Wyandot county of 1870 — " Wm. Dry, 66 ;" 
indicating the owner's name and the number of acres it contains. 
Just where the village stood, is still to be seen (1872) an old Indian 
orchard. A fine spring, also, is near by. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 155 

our narrative, and concerning which all published accounts of the 
campaign are mostly silent. 

Note 2. — In Moravian history, Upper Sandusky Old Town — the 
Sandusky of the borderers, but found deserted by Crawford — is a point 
of interest; as just below it, on the bluff bank of the river, in the 
woods, the remnant of the Christian Indians, with their teachers, 
passed the gloomy winter of 178 1-2, in some miserable huts, suffer- 
ing terribly from cold and hunger. The spot was abandoned some 
time in April, before the arrival of Crawford at the Wyandot Old 
Town. Now, the specific charge of the Moravian writers is, that it 
was to destroy the Moravians, who were supposed by Crawford to be 
still at the spot where they had passed the winter, that brought him 
and his army to the Sandusky : and that he marched to what had been 
their winter-quarters, where he found nothing but empty huts. The 
fiction of the bloody design has already been mentioned. It may now 
be stated, as will be presently shown, that the army did not pass within 
half a mile of the deserted huts of the Moravians. 

The following is the language of the Moravian Loskiel : "The 
same gang of murderers who had committed the massacre on the 
Muskingum, did not give up their bloody design upon the remnant of 
the Indian congregation, though it was delayed for a season. They 
marched in May, 1782, to Sandusky, where they found nothing but 
empty huts." — His. Miss., P. iii, p. 188. (Written in 1784,) 

This, from Heckewelder : " I am sorry to be so often obliged to 
revert to the circumstance of the cruel murder of the Christian In- 
dians on the Muskingum river in 1782, by a gang of banditti, under 
the command of one Williamson. Not satisfied with this horrid out- 
rage, the same band, not long afterward, marched to Sandusky, where, 
it seems, they had been informed that the remainder of that unfortu- 
nate congregation had fled, in order to perpetrate upon them the same 
indiscriminate murder. But Providence had so ordered it, that they 
had before left that place, where they had found that they could not 
remain in safety, their ministers having been taken from them and 



156 Crawford's Expedition 

carried to Detroit by order of the British government, so that they 
had been left entirely unprotected. The murderers, on their arrival, 
were much disappointed in finding nothing but empty huts." — His. Ind. 
Nations (18 18), p. 281. 

This, again, from the same writer: "The murdering party — for 
their famous commander, Williamson, was with them again — had 
taken a straight direction to the Christian Indian village, at Upper 
Sandusky, but found no 'Moravian' Indians there." — Narr. Miss. 
(1820), p. 337. 

This, from Doddridge (Notes, 270), who wrote under the shadow 
of Heckewelder : " Nothing material happened during their [the vol- 
unteers'] march until the sixth of June, when their guides conducted 
them to the site of the Moravian villages, on one of the upper 
branches of the Sandusky river ; but here instead of meeting with In- 
dians and plunder, they met with nothing but vestiges of desolation. 
The place was covered with high grass, and the remains of a few huts 
alone announced that the place had been the residence of the people 
[the Christian Indians] whom they intended to destroy ; but who had 
moved off to Scioto some time before." 

This from Schweinitz (Zeisberger, p. 565), who follows and in- 
tensifies Doddridge : " On the 6th of June, they [Crawford and his 
army] reached Sandusky, and prepared to surprise the Christian In- 
dians as they had done at Gnadenhiitten. But Captives' Town [the 
winter-quarters of the missionaries and their converts] was deserted, 
its huts lay in ruins, its gardens and fields were covered with rank grass. 
The Half King's brutal expulsion of the converts had saved them 
from a second massacre." As the spot where the Moravians passed 
the winter was in the woods, and had only been occupied from Octo- 
ber, 1 78 1, to April, 1782, it is suggested that "its gardens and fields" 
could onlv have existed in the imagination of the writer. 



nst Sandusky, 1782. 157 



CHAPTER VIII. 

PREPARATIONS BY THE ENEMY TO REPEL THE AMERICANS. 

EVER since the disaffection of the Delawares, the 
Sandusky and Scioto rivers had constituted the 
eastern boundary of the territory inhabited by British 
Indians. That portion of the western boundary of the 
country dotted by the settlements of the Americans, 
extending from Pittsburg down the Ohio to the mouth 
of Grave creek, a short distance below Wheeling, was 
under the immediate supervision of the commandant 
of the Western Department. Between these eastern 
and western boundaries was a derelict region — the 
ranging-ground of the belligerents. 

The success of Brodhead's expedition against the 
Delawares upon the Muskingum, followed by the two 
expeditions under Williamson to the Moravian towns, 
aroused the British Indians to the utmost activity and 
watchfulness. They kept their spies all along the 
Ohio, at all the most public places. Lurking savages 
carefully watched the movements of the borderers, so 
that, in the event of the fitting out of another expedi- 
tion to march into the Indian country, early intelli- 
gence of it might be conveyed to the Sandusky and 
Miami towns. When, therefore, early in May, a gen- 
eral stir was observed in the settlements, and the bor- 



158 Crawford's Expedition 

derers were seen in agitation, as if preparing for some 
enterprise, the news was soon carried by swift-footed 
braves to the Miami and the Sandusky. From day 
to day, the progress of the movement was observed. 
From day to day, Indian runners struck swiftly into 
the wilderness, to carry the tidings to their towns. No 
sooner had the volunteers began to cross the Ohio and 
rendezvous at Mingo Bottom, than all doubts vanished 
in the minds of the savages of a contemplated invasion 
of their towns and settlements upon one or the other 
of these rivers. Their villages were soon in a wild 
state of excitement — from the lower Wyandot town, 
the present site of Fremont, county-seat of Sandusky 
county, to the lower Shawanese village, upon the spot 
where the town of Piqua, in Miami county, is now 
located. As yet, however, there was an uncertainty as 
to the particular point aimed at by the Americans. 

Skulking savages cautiously, and undiscovered by 
the volunteers, reconnoitered the camp at Mingo Bot- 
tom ;' but the enemy gained no intelligence of the real 

1 The story that no quarter was to be given the Indians was 
set afloat in this wise; The Moravian Heckewelder, who, when 
the campaign was undertaken, was at or near Detroit, was afterward 
told by Indians that it was reported that the Indian spies who were sent 
to watch the movements of the Americans, before and after their ren- 
dezvous at Mingo Bottom, had, in examining their camp on the west 
side of the Ohio, after it had been left by the volunteers, found on 
trees peeled for that purpose, these words, written with coal and other 
mineral substances : " No quarter to be given an Indian/ whether man, 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 159 

intention of the frontier-men from their spies lurking 
nightly upon the distant bluffs. Judging from the 
point chosen for rendezvous, the army undoubtedly 
would march westward to the burnt Moravian villages; 
but not until the Muskingum was crossed, could the 
savages determine where the blow was to fall. The 
mystery would be solved by observing the course then 
taken. However, one thing was clearly evident: the 
Americans were gathering in such numbers as to require 
a concentration of all the forces the Indians could pos- 
sibly muster to repel them. Runners, therefore, were 
immediately dispatched from Sandusky to Detroit. 
These couriers took boat at Lower Sandusky, sailing 
down the river into Sandusky Bay, thence into the open 
waters of Lake Erie. Leaving a group of islands on 
the right hand, said to have been, at that day, greatly 
infested with rattlesnakes, they coursed along to the 
west, crossing Maumee Bay, thence onward to De- 
troit, with the startling intelligence to De Peyster, the 
commandant of that post, of the gathering of the 

woman, or child ;" and that papers, with these words written on them, 
were picked up in their camp. — He ckew elder's Narr., pp. 341, 342. 
This second-hand Indian report was set down, in 1824. by Rev. Dr. 
Jos. Doddridge (Notes, p. 270) as an historical fact ; and, as such, has 
been extensively copied into the current histories of the day ! It has 
thrown wide open the flood-gates for the outpouring of fierce declama- 
tion and indignation against the patriotic borderers who marched into 
the Indian country to insure a better protection of their own. 



160 Crawford" s Expedition 

Americans at Mingo Bottom. They also brought the 
earnest entreaty of the Wyar^dots for immediate help. 

In the meantime the Americans began their march 
from the Ohio river in a direction at once disclosing to 
the. enemy the point aimed at. Had the usual route to 
the Moravian villages — the one taken by Williamson, 2 
which followed along near the site of the present town 
of Cadiz, county-seat of Harrison county — been fol- 
lowed, the mystery, for the reason already explained, 
would not have been so readily solved. Now, however, 
there was no longer a question that the army was direct- 
ing its course for Sandusky — made doubly certain when 
the troops were observed to cross the Muskingum and 
march up the stream to the site of the upper Moravian 
town. 

The dusky allies of Great Britain, now making such 
desperate exertions to prepare themselves for the con- 
flict with the Americans, were principally Wyandots, 
Delawares, and Shawanese. The country inhabited by 
these Indians had been, at a period not very remote, 
entirely uninhabited. To the east of it, the region, 



2 It is asserted by Doddridge that Williamson's trail was the one 
along which the volunteers marched until their arrival at the upper 
Moravian village (Notes, 269) ; but, in addition to the testimony of 
Knight and Rose to the contrary, is the positive assertion of James 
Paull made to Robert A. Sherrard, in January, 1826, upon his attention 
being called to the subject. In that conversation, he gave the route 
indicated by Knight and Rose. Of this fact, I am informed by Mr. 
Sherrard. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 161 

when first discovered, was a desolation. The ill-fated 
Eries, dwelling upon the southern and eastern borders 
of the lake which still bears their name, were exter- 
minated, in 1655, by t ^ le ferocious Iroquois. 

In 1672, the Shawanese had to flee the valley of the 
Ohio, to escape the fury of the same all-conquering foe; 
returning again, in 1728, and locating in the unoccupied 
valley of the Scioto; but after the seven years' war be- 
tween France and England, ending in 1763, withdrawing, 
most of them, to the upper waters of the two Miami 
rivers, where, in towns upon the Mad river, known as 
the Mac-a-chack, and, upon the parent streams, as 
Chillicothe and Upper and Lower Piqua, they now re- 
sided. 

The Wyandots, driven from their ancient seat upon 
Lake Simcoe, Canada, by their rapacious kindred — the 
Iroquois — finally, after many wanderings in the Far 
West, located upon the Detroit and Sandusky rivers, 
where they arrived about the year T690, in a country 
uninhabited ; and here they had ever since made their 
homes. 

The Delawares were living upon the river which 
bears their name when the country first became known 
to the Europeans ; from which they were driven west 
to the Allegheny; thence, in 1724, to the valley of the 
Muskingum (an unoccupied region previously), where 
they resided until 1780; when, upon their disaffection 
to the Americans, the war faction drew back to the 



1 62 Crawford 's Expedition 



Scioto and the Sandusky. Here, in 1782, they were in 
close alliance with the Wyandots and Shawanese. 

The Wyandots who settled upon the Sandusky had 
several out-lying villages, although their favorite abode 
was upon this river. Their towns were changed from 
time to time, both in location and name; some of 
the earliest known having been located upon the shore 
of Sandusky Bay, which, in reality, is but an enlarge- 
ment of the Sandusky river. The name Sandusky, as 
applicable to their principal town upon the river, seems 
to have come into use after the occupation of the west- 
ern posts, by the English, in 1760. 

Sandusky of 1782 was on the west side of the river, 
on its immediate bank, five miles below the site of the 
present town of Upper Sandusky, county-seat of 
Wyandot county. Its locality was in what is now 
Crane township, just where the <c Kilbourne road" 
crosses the river. 3 The site of Upper Sandusky of 
the present day did not become a Wyandot village 
until many years after. 

When the Wyandots were drawn into an alliance 
with the British, and began their hostile demonstrations 

3 The site of the town was upon what is now section three, of 
township two south, of range fourteen east, of the government sur- 
vey ; — on that part of the section marked on the map of Wyandot 
county of 1870— " H. H. Smith, 304.10," and " H. Klipfer, 14;" 
indicating the names of the owners and the number of acres belonging 
to each. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 163 

upon the borders, their head chief, or sachem, resided 
at Brownstown, a Wyandot village below Detroit, on 
the river, where the council-fire of the Northwestern 
Confederacy was kept. The name of this highest 
dignitary of the Wyandots was Pomoacan, usually 
called the Half King. 

No sooner, however, had the war upon the frontier 
began to assume a somewhat serious aspect, than the 
Half King took up his temporary abode at Sandusky, 
with " Billy Wyandot," a relative. After this date, 
but how long is not known, the upper village, — the 
Sandusky known to Slover, Zane, and others of Craw- 
ford's army, — was deserted ; its occupants gathering 
around the home of their great sachem, on the river, 
eight miles below. 4 

Of all the savage allies of Great Britain in the West, 

* As the location of the Half King's town — the Upper Sandusky of 
the British and their allies — has been a source of much perplexity to 
those who have written of early incidents in this quarter, I add the 
testimony of Walker : '* First find the locality of the old Wyandot 
mill, on the river, nearly three miles below Upper Sandusky. From 
this point proceed down the river to where the Kilbourne road crosses 
the river. Above and below the bridge, at this point, on the west 
side of the stream, a piece of bottom-land was pointed out to me as 
the residence of the Half King." 

Knight, in his Narrative, speaks of the Half King's town as being v 
eighteen miles below where the town of Sandusky formerly stood 
(p. 5). But this is a misprint ; he afterward gives the distance as eight 
miles, which is the correct number (p. 9). 



164 Crawford's Expedition 

the Wyandots were the most powerful. This arose 
not so much from the number of their warriors, as 
from their superior intelligence. Their long associa- 
tion with the French at Detroit, and, after that post 
fell into the possession of Great Britain, with its later 
occupants, had advanced them in many respects over 
the surrounding nations. This was manifest in their 
comfortable cabins, erected with much skill and far 
superior to the rude lodges of other tribes ; also, in 
their treatment of prisoners — seldom, if ever, since the 
commencement of hostilities, torturing them to death 
at the stake, as was common with the Delawares and 
Shawanese. Captives, however, they sometimes killed 
outright. An eye-witness, at Sandusky, bears testi- 
mony to the fact: " Whilst remaining at Sandusky," 
says the narrator, " a circumstance took place, which 
was in the utmost degree appalling to human nature ; 
and raised such sensations of horror in my breast, as I 
never before experienced ; and which the reader may 
imagine, but I can not describe. 

" A prisoner was brought in by the Wyandots and 
Mingoes, to the store of my employer. Before the 
store-door were a number of Wyandots, waiting to 
join in the murdering of him. As he was passing the 
house, they knocked him down with tomahawks, cut 
off his head, and fixed it on a pole erected for the pur- 
pose ; when commenced a scene of yelling, dancing, 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 165 

singing, and rioting, which, I suppose, represented 
something like demons from the infernal regions. 

"After their fury and drunken frolic was abated, we 
sent to the chief of the nation, for liberty to bury 
the body ; and his answer was, ' They do not bury 
our dead when they kill them, and we will not bury 
theirs :' on the return of which, we sent another peti- 
tion, and informed him that we would remove our 
store out of the country, if we could not have the 
liberty to bury dead carcases out of our sight. He 
answered then, that we might do with it as we pleased : 
on which we took the head down, placed it to the body, 
as well as we could, wrapped them in a clean blanket, 
and buried them as decently as our situation would 
admit of." 5 

The traders at Sandusky came from Detroit, where 
they obtained a license to traffic with the Indians from 
the commandant, who also required them to give bond 
to report themselves at his post at stated periods. 
These traders sold large quantities of powder, lead, 
and flints, as well as fire-arms ; silver ornaments and 
trinkets ; paints for the warriors ; blankets and other 
articles of clothing : taking in exchange furs, which 
were packed on horses to Lower Sandusky, and taken 
thence to Detroit in boats. 

*John Leith's Narrative, p. 14. The copy in my possession is 
believed to be the only one extant. It was published at Lancaster, 
Ohio, by Ewell Jeffers. Leith was a captive among the Indians. 



1 66 Crawford j Expedition 



Some of these traders were men of influence with 
the Wyandots ; one, in particular, seems to have en- 
joyed their confidence to a good degree. His name 
was Alexander McCormick, These men were doing a 
thriving business at the Half King's town, when the 
expedition was undertaken by the Americans against 
Sandusky. 

The Wyandots, in this region, numbered, in 1782, 
not far from seven hundred. It was afterward estimated 
by intelligent Wyandots, that Zhaus-sho-toh, their 
war-chief, was able to muster four hundred warriors of 
that nation, to oppose the army of Crawford. 6 It is 
probable that this estimate was a liberal one. Great 
exertions were put forth to prepare to meet the enemy, 
by calling in all their braves to the rendezvous near 
Sandusky ; and the wise policy was adopted of not 
attempting to impede the progress of the Americans, 
by moving forward with their own forces ; but to 
wait for reinforcements from the Miami towns and 
from Detroit ; and, in the meantime, should Crawford 
reach the Plains, and threaten the Half King's town 
before help had arrived, then, with the aid of the Del- 
awares, to retard his progress, to the best of their 
ability, until the arrival of their allies. 

The last encampment of the army under Crawford, 
on the evening of the 3d of June, nearly eighteen miles 
up the river from the Half King's town, was carefully 

6 Communicated by William Walker, 1872. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 167 

reconnoitered by the Indians ; as there was a possibility 
that the Americans might bear away to the Miami 
towns, by a forced march that night, after this feint 
against Sandusky. But the dawn of the day — the 4th 
of June — found them still in their camp, and the 
Wyandots prepared to contest, inch by inch, their near 
approach to their town. 

The Delawares, who were preparing to make com- 
mon cause with the Wyandots against the invaders, 
had, upon their disaffection with the Americans two 
years before, drawn back from the Muskingum, and 
located themselves near the home of the Half King. 
Their village was upon both sides of the Tymochtee 
creek, the principal western branch of the Sandusky. 
It was in what is now Crawford township, about one 
mile and a half northeast of the present village of 
Crawfordsville, Wyandot county, eight miles from 
Upper Sandusky of the present day, and nearly eleven 
from the old village of the Wyandots, where we left the 
American army. 7 

7 There can be no doubt about the location of the Delaware village. 
All accounts agree as to the Wyandot traditions concerning its locality. 
" It was pointed out to me," writes Jonathan Kear (Notes to the author , 
1872), " by several Indians, when I first came to the vicinity." It 
corresponds also with Knight's account (Narr., p. 12). William 
Walker, than whom no better authority is needed, informs me that it 
was certainly in this immediate vicinity, but is unable to determine its 
exact locality. The village is known in most historical accounts as " Pipe's 
town." It should not be confounded, however, with a town of the 



1 68 Crawford's Expedition 

There was also a camp of Delawares about two miles 
in a northwest direction from the present village of 
Crestline, in Crawford county. Crawford and his men 
passed to the south of, but very near, this camp, on the 
2d of June, without discovering it. It was the temporary 
abode of a war-chief, Wingenund, 8 and a small number 
of his tribe; and was located upon a trace leading east- 
ward. from the old Wyandot town upon the Sandusky, 
along near the site of the present town of Bucyrus, to 
Jeromeviile, in what is now Ashland county. It was 
distant a little over twenty-five miles, due east, from 
Upper Sandusky Old Town, and about thirty-four, 
by way of the Indian trail, from the Half King's 
town. 

At the Delaware village, upon the Tymochtee, lived 

same name seen on early maps of Ohio, located upon a small Delaware 
reservation in the south part of what was formerly the western part 
of Crawford county. This was a more modern village. Consult His. 
Wyandot Mission, By Reo. "James B. Finley. Cincinnati, 1840, p. 77. 
8 The camp of Wingenund (pronounced Win-^j-noon'd) was 
located upon what is now the southeast quarter of section five, and the 
northeast quarter of section eight, of township twenty north, of range 
twenty west — of the government survey — in Jefferson township, Craw- 
ford county: marked on the map of the county published by M. H. 
and J. V. B. Watson — "Jos. Brown, 160," and "John Newman, 
160;" indicating the owners' names of the tracts and the number of 
acres in each. The site is about three-fourths of a mile northeast of 
the present towi. of Leesville. Upon the map it is marked in Jackson 
township. It is in that part which has since been erected into Jeffer- 
son township. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. . 169 

The Pipe — Captain Pipe, as known to history—another 
and much more famous war-chief of the Delawares. 
His town was entirely unknown to the army of Craw- 
ford. His village and the Half King's home were the 
only Indian towns upon the waters of the Sandusky 
above Lower Sandusky (Fremont), in 1782. Upper 
Sandusky, the site of the present county-seat of 
Wyandot county, and Big Spring, the site of a town 
of the same name in Seneca county, were Wyandot 
villages of more modern times. 

Of all the savage enemies of the Americans, in the 
western wilderness during the Revolution, Captain Pipe 
was the most implacable ! He appears upon the historic 
page, for the first time, in the year 1764. It was upon 
the occasion of the march of Colonel Henry Bouquet 
against the Ohio Indians, in what is known as 
C1 Pontiac's War." This officer led an army, consisting 
of regulars, provincials, and backwoodsmen, from Car- 
lisle, Pennsylvania, against the Delawares and Shaw- 
anese upon the Muskingum and Scioto, arriving at 
Fort Pitt on the 17th September, 1764. 

While at this post, ten Indians appeared upon the 
north bank of the Ohio, desiring a conference. Three 
of the party consented to come over to the fort. As 
they could give no satisfactory account of themselves, 
or reasons for their visit, they were detained as spies. 
Their associates fled to the wilderness.. One of the 
three thus captured was Captain Pipe. He was kept at 



170 Crawford's Expedition 

Fort Pitt until Bouquet had dictated to the Delawares 
and Shawanese, upon the banks of the Muskingum, his 
own terms of peace, after which he was set at liberty. 

The Pipe, whose Indian name was Kogieschquano- 
heel, was the principal captain of the Wolf tribe of the 
Delawares, becoming afterward its tribal chief. His 
nation was at peace with the colonies, after Pontiac's 
war, until 1780, a period of nearly sixteen years, al- 
though they came near being drawn into hostilities 
against the Americans in 1774, in Dunmore's war. 
Nothing is known of his history during this time. 
However, no sooner had the war of the Revolution 
begun than he became a prominent actor, always hostile 
to the Americans at heart, although sometimes making 
treaties with them. At this period he had his home 
upon the Walhonding, about fifteen miles above the 
present site of Coshocton — which is at the junction of 
that stream with the Tuscarawas — in Coshocton county, 
Ohio, where he continued to reside until the disaffection 
of his nation in 1780, when he removed, with others of 
the hostile Delawares, to the Tymochte ecreek, form- 
ing a close league with the Half King against the 
Americans. 

Captain Pipe was, in many respects, a remarkable 
savage. The Moravian missionaries, who knew him 
well, say that he was cunning, artful, and ambitious. 
He seems always to have been their bitter enemy, so 
long as they remained upon the Muskingum — a period, 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 171 

beginning in 1772, and ending with their being forced 
to remove to the Sandusky, in 178 1. 

His enmity, however, was not so much against these 
Christian teachers, personally, as against all attempts, 
come from what source they might, having a tendency 
to make the Delawares a civilized and an agricultural 
people. That a large majority of this nation, in 1780, 
took up the hatchet against the Americans, forming a 
close alliance with the British Indians, was almost 
wholly due to his machinations. As the army of Craw- 
ford approached the Sandusky, nowhere upon that stream 
was to be found an enemy more determined than he. 

At the close of the Revolutionary war, a complete 
change came over the feelings of this noted Indian 
warrior. He steadfastly advocated peace with the 
Americans in the councils of his nation, which had 
now drawn back to the Maumee river ; and, although 
fighting, with his people, in the campaign against Har- 
mer, in the autumn of 1790, yet he still urged for 
a cessation of hostilities. His advice was unheeded. 
At St. Clair's defeat, in 1791, he distinguished himself, 
slaughtering white men until his arm was weary with 
the dreadful work. 

A grand council of nearly all the Northwestern 
tribes assembled in the autumn of 1792, at the con- 
fluence of the Auglaize and the Maumee rivers, where 
the town of Defiance now stands, to take into consid- 
eration the condition of affairs with the United States. 



172 Crawford's Expedition 

The result was that the Indians agreed to hold a treaty 
with commissioners of the new government the next 
summer. The warriors again gathered upon the Mau- 
mee ; and The Pipe was among the foremost advocates 
for peace. But the nations declared for war ; and the 
United States sent against them an army, under the 
command of the heroic Anthony Wayne, by whom 
they were reduced to entire submission. Captain Pipe 
did not live to witness the total defeat of the confeder- 
ate tribes, on the 20th of August, 1794, upon the 
banks of the Maumee, by that victorious general. He 
died a few days previous. 

Upon the morning of the 4th, while Crawford was 
preparing to move northward from his camp, distant 
about twenty miles from the village of The Pipe, the 
Delaware war-chief began his march from the latter 
place with his braves, numbering about two hundred. 
With him were a few of the Christian Indians who had 
relapsed into heathenism. 9 A short march through the 
Plains brought them to the place appointed for the as- 
sembling of the allied forces — a spot nearly two miles 
southwest of the Half King's town — where they met 
the Wyandot braves, under their war-chief, Zhaus-sho- 
toh. 10 Their combined forces considerably outnumbered 
the American army. 

9 Irvine to Moore, 5th July, 1782. This letter should have been 
dated the day previous. 
/ 10 The spot where the Wyandots and Delawares assembled was on 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 173 

That very morning, two hundred Shawanese started 
from the Indian towns (in what is now Logan county), 
distant about forty miles, to the aid of the Delawares 
and Wyandots. They were not expected to arrive 
until the next day. Singularly enough, at the same 
time succor from the north, of a very different charac- 
ter, however, was, at about the same distance away, 
also moving to their relief. Upon the Wyandots and 
Delawares, therefore, rested the responsibility of baf- 
fling, impeding, or, if necessary, fighting the Americans, 
until assistance, now coming both from the north and 
south, should arrive. 

Arentz Schuyler de Peyster, commandant at Detroit, 
lost no time, after receiving intelligence of the proba- 
ble invasion of the Sandusky country, in dispatching a 
considerable force, consisting of Butler's Rangers, to 
the help of his Indian allies. 11 These troops were all 
mounted. They took with them two field-pieces and 
a mortar. Their horses were sent around the lake, 

what is now section 9, of township 2 south, of range 14 east, of the 
government survey, in Crane township, Wyandot county. The local- 
ity is given upon the authority of current Indian traditions, and corre- 
sponds, in distance, from the deserted village ot the Wyandots, with the 
estimate made by Knight. — Narrative, p. 6. 

11 In the spring of 1777, there were two companies of Butler's Ran- 
gers at Detroit, commanded by Captain Caldwell. — Address of Hon. 
Charles I. Walker, before the State Hist. Soc. of Wis., Jan. 31, 1871, 
p. 20. As to the presence of British Rangers at Sandusky, consult 
LoskiePs Hist. Miss., P. iii, p. 189; Heckew elder's Narr., p. 337. 



1/ 



174 Crawford's Expedition 

while the Rangers themselves took boats for Lower San- 
dusky — shipping their cannon, trappings, arms, and 
ammunition, and all their baggage and supplies. They 
arrived in the Sandusky waters without accident, where 
they had not long to wait for their horses. They be- 
gan their march early on the morning of the 4th, from 
Lower Sandusky, making all possible haste up the val- 
ley, to succor their allies. 12 

Great was the excitement in Sandusky, on Tuesday 
morning, the 4th of June, 1782. In a deep ravine, oa 
the south side of Tymochtee creek, about a mile from 
its mouth, in what is now Tymochtee township, a 
point almost equally distant from Pipe's town and the 
Half King's village, were hidden away the squaws and 
children of the Delawares and Wyandots. With them 
was Samuel Wells, a negro boy of fourteen years, cap- 
tured by the Indians some years previous. 13 

12 These particulars rest mostly upon tradition. But see also Hecke- 
welder^s Narr., p. 337, as to the Rangers crossing the lake. 

13 The spot is on what is now the southwest quarter of section 17, in 
township 1 south, of range 14 east, of the government survey, marked 
on the Wyandot county map of 1870, "D. Straw." The locality is 
given upon the authority of Jonathan Kear, an old-time resident of 
Wyandot county, who, in a communication before me, says ; " Wells, 
who spoke good English, frequently assured me that the squaws and 
children were hidden away in a deep ravine, on the south side of Ty- 
mochtee creek, about one mile from its mouth." Walker, however, is 
of opinion that the hiding place of the Wyandot families was farther 
north — in what is now Seneca county. " The Wyandots certainly re- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 175 

The British traders, who had kept their spies out for 
several days reporting the direction taken, and progress 
made, by the Americans, were now hastening with their 
goods out of the town, packing them to Lower San- 
dusky. 

Leith was employed in Sandusky, at this time, by 
some of these men. The English would not suffer 
him to trade on his own account. Five of them, hav- 
ing placed their funds into one general stock, em- 
ployed him to attend to their business for them. He 
affirms that he was closely watched by the Indians as 
Crawford's army approached, and had to make his 
movements with particular regularity; yet he had spies 
going to and fro, by whom he could hear every evening 
where the American army was encamped, for several 
days previous. 

He was informed, on the evening of the 3d, that the 
Americans were only about fifteen miles away. He 
immediately set his hands at work gathering in his 
horses and cattle, intending to pack his goods upon 
the former and drive the latter to Lower Sandusky. 
He had under his care a large stock of silver trinkets, 
furs, powder, lead, and clothing, worth nearly seven 
thousand dollars. He started down the river the next 

moved their women and children into what is now Seneca county," is 
his emphatic language. The two statements, however, are reconcila- 
ble if it be assumed that only the Delawares removed their families to 
the spot pointed out by Wells. 



176 Crawford's Expedition 

morning at daylight, but was so incumbered as to make 
very slow progress. He met, during the early part of the 
forenoon, Matthew Elliot, a British captain, hurry- 
ing forward with all possible speed. He afterward 
cc met the whole British army, composed of Colonel 
Butler's Rangers." They took from him his cattle 
and let him pass. That night Leith encamped in what 
is now Seneca county, about fourteen miles above 
Lower Sandusky. 14 

Captain Elliot was an Irishman. At the commence- 
ment of the Revolution, he lived in Path Valley, 
Pennsylvania. A number of tories resided in his 
township, among whom Elliot was a leader. But, as 
hostilities increased, the place became too warm for 
them, as a large portion of the population was whigs. 
Elliot fled to the West, where he was well known as an 
Indian trader. 

On the 12th of November, 1776, he made his ap- 
pearance in one of the missionary establishments of the 
Moravians, upon the Muskingum, with a number of 
horse-loads of merchandise, a female Indian companion, 
and a hired man, on his way to the Shawanese towns 
upon the Scioto. Elliot left the next day, but was 
followed by a party of six warriors from Sandusky, 
and made prisoner, his goods being distributed among 
the Indians. He would have been murdered but for 

14 Leith* s Narr., p. 15. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 177 

the interposition of some Christian Indians who had 
followed the warriors, purposely to intercede for him. 

Elliot was taken to Detroit, where he soon succeeded 
in convincing the commandant of his tory proclivities, 
who gave him a commission as captain, and sent him 
back to Pittsburg as a spy. Here he remained some 
time, and finally, in company with Alexander McKee, 
who had formerly been a British agent among the In- 
dians, but who was now suffered by the Americans to 
go at large on parole, and other disaffected persons and 
deserters from Fort Pitt, again appeared upon the 
Muskingum early in 1778, to stir up the Delawares to 
hostility against the United States. As an officer of 
the Indian department at Detroit, he served during the 
Revolution, vibrating between that post and the 
country of the Ohio Indians, as his services seemed to 
be needed. 

At the close of the war we find him at Detroit ; and 
on the 9th of November, 1785, Hamilton, who was 
that year governor of Canada, issued an order that no 
one should disturb him in possession of a lot near the 
dock-yard by the water side, without producing titles. 
When the Indian war of the Northwest was renewed in 
1790, Elliot, who was married to a squaw, took sides 
with the savages. He was present at St. Clair's defeat, 
but kept himself at a respectable distance from danger. 
He was the owner at this time, in conjunction with 
McKee, of a considerable tract of land, cleared ready 
for cultivation, on which were several houses, on the 



178 Crawford's Expedition 

east, or Canada side, of the Detroit river, just above its 
mouth. 

He took part in the last war with Great Britain on 
the side of the English, holding a colonel's commis- 
sion. He was then an old man; and his hair was very 
white. He had much of the savage look notwithstand- 
ing his age. He probably died soon after in Canada, 
holding at the time the position of agent of Indian 
affairs by appointment from the British government. 
Elliot was an uncle, by his father's side, to Commo- 
dore Elliot, of the United States navy, and had a son 
killed on the Maumee, in the war of 181 1. 

The arrival of Elliot at the rendezvous of the sav- 
ages, in the full uniform of a British captain, was 
lustily greeted by the assembled Delawares and Wyan- 
dots. He immediately assumed command of the 
Indians — a position he was eminently qualified to fill, 
owing to his intimate acquaintance with their language 
and customs, and to his knowledge of the surrounding 
country. 15 

Note i. — John Leith, whose narrative has been consulted in the 
preparation of this chapter, was born in Leith, Scotland. His father 
emigrated, when John was young, to the Pedee river, South Carolina, 

15 "Dr. Knight was informed by an Indian that a British captain 
commands at Sandusky." — Irvine to Washington, \\th June, 1782. 
Further knowledge upon this point is derived from tradition alone. 
Strongly corroborative however is the positive assertion of Leith with 
regard to meeting Elliot so far in advance of his army, on the morning 
of the 4th of June. ■ 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 179 

where he soon afterward died. The boy then journeyed northward, 
spending some time at Little York, Pennsylvania. At the age of fif- 
teen, he was at Fort Pitt, where he hired himself to an Indian trader, 
and with the latter started for the wilderness beyond the Ohio. 

Hostilities having been brought on between the Indians and the 
Americans, and an Indian chief having taking a fancy to Leith, he was 
adopted into the tribe of the former. His employer was fortunately 
at Fort Pitt at this time, and of course lost all his Indian goods, but 
saved himself. The Indians soon after moved farther west, taking 
John along, to the waters of the Miami. The Indian life of Leith 
was full of trials and romantic incidents. He finally married a white 
woman, whose name was Sally Lowry, who had been captured by the 
Indians when twenty months old, at Big Cove, above Pittsburg, and 
had ever since remained a prisoner in the wilderness. At the time of 
her marriage, she was about eighteen years of age ; Leith was in his 
twenty-fourth year. 

Leith had two children, and was living with his family at one of 
the Moravian towns in 1781 ; but was taken to the Sandusky when 
the missionary establishments upon that river were broken up. He 
was employed as agent, as before stated, for # some British traders at 
the Half King's town when Crawford's army approached. 

For the next eight years, Leith resided in the Indian country, three 
of which were passed at Sandusky. He and his family during this 
period passed through many vicissitudes of fortune, and suffered many 
hardships. 

In 1790, Leith, with his family, returned to Fort Pitt, where he 
arrived on the 2d of November ; thence he went to Bud's Ferry, 
where he found some of his wife's relations, who received them with 
a cordial welcome. There they settled and set up farming. Leith 
afterward moved to the State of Ohio, and died about the year 1832. 
George W. Leith, a grandson, is now (1873) living at Nevada, Ohio. 
His father, Samuel, a son of John Leith, was. so far as is known, the 
first white child born in the valley of the Sandusky. 



180 Crawford's Expedition 

Note 2. — The fact of the sending of British troops from Detroit 
to the Sandusky, by De Peyster, seems heretofore to have been over- 
looked by most writers who have related the story of the campaign. 
Not so, however, by western archaeologists. Lyman C. Draper, Esq.; 
corresponding secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 
in a communication before me, says, in speaking of the authorities 
upon this point, cited in this and subsequent chapters : " I had long 
since noticed all these authorities, concerning a white party aiding the 
Indians at Sandusky, except the statement of Leith ; that narrative, 
except some traditions of it derived from three grandchildren of his 
in Illinois a few years since, I never have had. The evidence of the 
presence of the British is sufficiently conclusive." 

Note 3. — Fixing the objective point of the expedition — Upper 
Sandusky Old Town, the deserted village of the Wyandots — three 
miles up the Sandusky river from the present town of Upper Sandusky, 
county-seat of Wyandot county ; and assuming (what is acknowledged 
on all hands) that the winter-quarters of the Moravian missionaries and 
their converts during the winter of 178 1-2 were in its immediate 
vicinity, and the distances to the Half King's town and the Delaware 
village (Pipe's town) are correctly pointed out by the Moravian 
writers. — See Heckewelders Narr, 281, 285, 305; Scbweinitz Zeis. 
516, 518. 

The following memoranda are from the manuscript journal of Zeis- 
berger, preserved in the archives of the Moravian Church : " Chris- 
tian Indians came to Sandusky river, October 1, 1781." "Wyandots 
there left them and went to their capital [Half King's town] about 
ten miles off." " October 4th, moved several miles down the river." 
" Camped on a bluff in a small wood, not far from a Wyandot 
village [Upper Sandusky Old Town] on the Sandusky, October 
25th." "Same day, missionaries left their encampment and went 
to Pipe's town, which was reached in the afternoon." These dis- 
tances agree with those given by Heckewelder (Narr. 281, etc.), with 
those furnished me by William Walker, and with those mentioned by 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 



Knight {Narr. pp. 9, 10). Schweinitz, in his Life of Zeisberger y 
has, however, confused them, by placing the winter-quarters of the 
Christian Indians too far up the river — " one mile above the junction 
of the Broken Sword" with the Sandusky, — and by making the site of 
the Half King's town identical with that of Upper Sandusky of the 
present day. 



1 82 Crawford's Expedition 



CHAPTER IX. 

SKETCH OF SIMON GIRTY, THE WHITE SAVAGE. 

ON the forenoon of the 4th day of June, there 
were but few white men in the wild assemblage 
of whooping and stamping Delawares and Wyandots at 
their rendezvous. 1 But of these few there was one de- 
serving particular notice. He was dressed as an In- 
dian, but without ornaments. He seemed, as he really 
was, the very incarnation of fierceness and cruelty. 
His name was Simon Girty. His voice rose high 
above the din and tumult around. . He spoke the Del- 
aware and Wyandot languages fluently. As he rode 
furiously back and forth, he volleyed forth fearful oaths 
in his native tongue ! 

Girty was born in Northwestern Pennsylvania. His 
father was an Irishman. f< The old man was beastly 
intemperate. A jug of whisky was the extent of his 
ambition. c Grog was his song, and grog would he 
have/ His sottishness turned his wife's affection. 
Ready for seduction, she yielded her heart to a neighbor- 
ing rustic, who, to remove all* obstacles to their wishes, 
knocked Girty on the head, and bore off the trophy of 

x<( A few scattering Canadians and renegades — one by the name of 
Hazle." — William Walker : Notes to the author. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 183 

his prowess." 2 There were four children at the time 
of the father's death: Thomas, Simon, George, and 
James. During the Old French War the three last 
were taken prisoners by the Indians. Simon was 
adopted by the Senecas, and became an expert hunter. 
His Indian name was Katepacomen. It must be passed 
to his credit that his early training as a savage was 
compulsory, not voluntary, as has generally been sup- 
posed. His tribe roamed the wilderness northwest of 
the Ohio ; and when the expedition under Colonel 
Henry Bouquet, at the close of Pontiac's war in 1764, 
marched into the western wilderness to punish the Ohio 
Indians, one of the hostages delivered to that com- 
mander by the latter was Girty. He escaped, however, 
soon after, and returned to his savage life. But, as one 
of the conditions of peace was the yielding up by the 
Senecas of all their captives willing or unwilling, Girty 
was compelled to return to the settlements, making his 
home in the vicinity of Pittsburg. 3 

Girty took part in Dunmore's war in 1774, on the 
side of Virginia, during which time he was the bosom 
friend and companion of Simon Kenton. He was in- 
timately acquainted with Colonel Crawford, taking sides 

2 Biographical Sketches : With other Literary Remains of the Late 
John W. Campbell, Judge of the United States Court for the District 
of Ohio. Compiled by his Widow. Columbus, Ohio, 1838, p. 147. 

3 A stream of water called Girty's Run, an affluent of the Allegheny 
(north side), about three miles above the point — Pittsburg — com- 
memorates the residence of the Girty family. 



184 Crawford's Expedition 



with the latter in opposition to Pennsylvania rule, 
in the boundary controversy. He was frequently a 
guest at Crawford's hospitable cabin, on the banks of 
the Youghiogheny. 4 On the 22d of February, 1775, 
he was commissioned an officer of the militia at Pitts- 
burg, taking the test and other necessary oaths upon 
that occasion. He aspired to a captaincy in the regular 
army; but in this was disappointed; which, it seems, 
was the reason of his deserting to the enemy, early in 
the year 1778. It is probable, however, that his early 
education among the Senecas had much to do with his 
desire and resolution again to return to the wilderness. 
Much of his time previous to this had been employed 
in interpreting, as he was well skilled in Indian lore. 

General Hand was commandant at Fort Pitt when 
Girty deserted to the enemy. The greatest consterna- 
tion was produced at Pittsburg when the event became 
known, as with him went a squad of twelve soldiers 
and the notorious Elliott and McKee. From this de- 
fection the worst might reasonably be expected, as they 
would certainly have great power for mischief in per- 
suading and assisting the Indians to murder and pill- 
age. The now assured hostility of this ignoble trio of 
desperadoes to the government of the United States — 
Girty, Elliott, and McKee — made at this time a dark 
outlook from the border across the Ohio. Their evil 

4 " It is a tradition that Girty aspired to the hand of one of Craw- 
ford's daughters, but was denied." — James Veech : MS. letter. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 185 

designs might be calculated on with certainty. And, as 
was feared, they went directly to the principal town of 
the now vacillating Delawares, situated upon what is 
the present site of Coshocton, Ohio, where they came 
very near changing the neutral policy of that tribe, as has 
already been observed, into one of open hostility against 
the Americans. 

They represented that the white people were em- 
bodying themselves for the purpose of killing every 
Indian they should meet, be he friend or foe; that the 
American armies were all cut to pieces by the British ; 
that General Washington was killed ; that there was no 
more Congress ; that the English had hung some of 
the members, and taken the rest to England ; that the 
whole country beyond the mountains was in possession 
of their armies ; and that a few thousand Americans on 
this side were all that were left in arms ; and that these, 
as just stated, were determined to kill all the Indians 
in the western country — men, women, and children. 
Thus did Simon Girty signalize his return to the 
savages ; but the Delawares still remained firm ; and he 
and his two noted associates moved on to the westward — 
among the Shawanese upon the Scioto. However, the 
principal chief of the Delawares sent word to that tribe 
not to put confidence in their representations : "Grand- 
children !" (for so ran the message) " ye Shawanese! 
Some days ago, a flock of birds, that had come on from 
the east, lit at our village, imposing a song of theirs 



1 86 Crawford's Expedition 

upon us, which song had nigh proved our ruin ! If 
these birds, which, on leaving us took their flight toward 
Scioto, endeavor to impose a . song on you likewise, 
do not listen to them, for they lie!" 

Girty now started for Detroit. On his way thither 
he was captured by the Wyandots. Recognized, how- 
ever, by some Senecas, the latter demanded him as 
their prisoner; stating at the same time the nature of 
their claim; that he had been adopted by them; and 
had afterward joined their white enemies and taken up 
arms against them. But Leatherlips, a distinguished 
Wyandot chief, ignored their claim to the prisoner, 
" By your own showing," said he, C{ he only returned 
to his own country and people. Ever after then you 
can have no claim upon him as one of your own. He 
is now found in our country bearing arms. He was 
captured by our warriors. He is our prisoner." This 
argument was unanswerable ; and the Senecas yielded 
the point. But Girty stated to his captors, in the 
Seneca language, that he had been badly treated at Fort 
Pitt,'by his own people, on account of being true to 
the king and his cause, and was therefore forced to 
leave the country; and that he was on his way now to 
Detroit to take up arms against the Americans. He 
was thereupon set at liberty. 

Arriving at Detroit, Girty was welcomed by Hamil- 
ton, the commandant of the post, very cordially, and 
immediately employed in the Indian department, at 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 187 

sixteen York shillings a day, 5 and sent back to the San- 
dusky, to assist the savages in their warfare upon the 
border. He took up his residence with the Wyandots. 
His influence soon began to be felt in the Indian Con- 
federacy — sometimes with the Shawanese, and again 
with the Wyandots, on their murderous forays into the 
border settlements ; he was always a leader with them. 
His name became a household word of terror all along 
the border, from Pittsburg to the Falls of the Ohio. 
With it was associated everything cruel and fiend- 
like. To the women and children in particular, noth- 
ing was more terrifying than the name of Simon 
Girty. Although he called himself <c Captain Girty," 
yet whether he ever received a commission from the 
British government, as did his associate, Elliott, is a 
mooted question. His lack of education was probably 
the cause, if he was not commissioned ; he could not 
write his name. It is certain, however, that he was in 
the regular pay of Great Britain. 

Strangely enough, one of Girty's first exploits, after 
becoming fairly domiciled among the Indians, was 
highly creditable to him. Mention has been made of 
his intimacy, during Dunmore's war, with Simon Ken- 
ton. The latter was brought a captive to the Mac-a- 
chack towns, in September, 1778, at which time Girty 
also happened to be in the Shawanese villages. Kenton 

5 C. I. Walker's Address before the Wis. Hist. Soc, pp. 15, 4.1. 



Crawford's Expedition 



was under sentence of death, and was to be burned at 
Wapatomika, just below the site of the present village 
of Zanesfleld, Logan county, Ohio, where he was now 
awaiting his doom. Girty came to see the prisoner, 
and, as the latter had been painted black, a custom 
among the Indians when captives are to be burned, did 
not recognize his old associate. A few words between 
them, however, was enough for a recognition; where- 
upon Girty threw himself into Kenton's arms, calling 
him his dear and esteemed friend. (i Well," said he to 
Kenton, "you are condemned to die; but I will do all 
I can — use every means in my power to save your 
life." Girty immediately had a council convened, and 
made a long speech to the Indians, in their own language, 
to save the life of their prisoner. This they consented 
to, and Kenton was placed under the care and protec- 
tion of his benefactor, by whom he was well cared for. 
The Indians, however, again condemned him to death, 
but Girty induced them to take him to Sandusky ; 
when, at the interposition of a captain in the British 
service, he was sent to Detroit, and finally effected his 
escape. 6 

Girty now began his wild career against the border 
settlements. General Mcintosh wrote from Fort Pitt, 
under date of 29th January following, that Captain 



G Biographical Sketches. By John McDonald. Cincinnati, 1838, 
p. 227-231. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 189 

Clark, of the Eighth Pennsylvania regiment, while re- 
turning from Fort Laurens with a sergeant and fourteen 
men, was attacked three miles from that post, by Simon 
Girty and a party of Mingoes, who killed two of his 
men, wounded four, and took one prisoner. From 
this time onward, to the approach of Crawford and his 
army against Sandusky, his career is mostly known by 
his cruel visitations of the frontier. His headquarters 
were at Sandusky, where he exercised great influence 
over the Half King, head chief of the Wyandots. 
He was frequently at Detroit ; and De Peyster, the 
commandant, who had succeeded Hamilton upon the 
capture of the latter at Vincennes, on the 25th of Feb- 
ruary, 1779, by George Rogers Clark, found him ready 
for any undertaking, either against the Americans or 
the missionaries and their converts upon the Mus- 
kingum, as his hostility to the latter seemed as un- 
bounded as to the former. Sharing with him in his 
hate were his associates, Elliott and McKee. 

In the early part of July, 1779, a P artv °f Indians, 
led by Girty, attempted to kill or capture David Zeis- 
berger, one of the missionaries, who was then at Lich- 
tenau, a Christian Indian village on the east bank of 
the Muskingum, two and a half miles below the site of 
the present town of Coshocton, Ohio, but which was 
deserted soon after. The missionaries, having received 
timely information of the design by the arrival of 
Alexander McCormick, the trader living at Sandusky, 



19° Crawford's Expedition 

were on the alert; and, although the Moravian teacher 
came near being captured or killed, yet the assailants 
were so warmly received by the Delawares, who showed 
a determination, upon this occasion, to protect Zeis- 
berger by all the means in their power, that Girty was 
forced to retreat, "gnashing his teeth in impotent 
rage." 

Upon the arrival of the Christian Indians and their 
teachers in the Sandusky country, in October, 178 1, 
they were brought almost face to face with their arch- 
enemy, at the Half King's residence. Girty was one 
of the plotters of the scheme which resulted in the 
breaking up of the missionary establishments upon the 
Muskingum. He seemed to take delight in rudely 
treating the missionaries while in their winter-quarters 
near Sandusky. The Moravian Heckewelder says : 
"At one time, just as my wife had set down to what 
was intended for our dinner, the Half King, Simon 
Girty, and another Wyandot entered my cabin, and 
seeing the victuals ready, without ceremony began 
eating." 7 In the final removal of the missionaries 
from the Indian country to Detroit, resulting in the 
entire disbanding of the Christian Indians, Girty was 
one of the chief instruments — a willing tool in the 
hands of the Half King — the power behind the throne. 

Pomoacan was determined to drive the Moravians 

7 Heckewelder' 's Narr., p. 300. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 191 

from the Sandusky. In April, just previous to the 
advent of Crawford's army, Girty tried to induce 
McCormick, who was still a resident of the Half 
King's town, to write a letter to De Peyster, at De- 
troit, for the Wyandot chief, implicating the mission- 
aries as his enemies. But the trader refused. How- 
ever, some one was found to write for him as he and 
Girty desired ; and a response was soon, received, or- 
dering the Moravians to leave the country, and asking 
the Half King to give Girty assistance in bringing 
them and their families to Detroit. 

On the 1 st day of March, a messenger, sent by the 
Half King and Girty, arrived at the rude cabins of the 
missionaries, ordering them to appear before them the 
next morning to hear the letter read. Accordingly, 
two of them, Zeisberger and Heckewelder, although 
the order was for all to go, started for the residence of 
the chief, nearly eight miles down the river, where 
they finally arrived after a toilsome walk through the 
deep snow, and found Girty and the Half King already 
waiting for them at the house of McCormick. At the 
meeting Girty insulted the Moravians, giving them the 
letter to read, with a string of black wampum to intim- 
idate them. He extorted a written pledge from these 
teachers to meet him at Lower Sandusky in two weeks, 
with all the missionaries and their families, to be con- 
ducted by him to Detroit. 

On the morning of the 13th of March, a French- 



192 Crawford 's Expedition 

man named Francis Levallie, from Lower Sandusky, 
informed the missionaries that Girty had gone, with a 
war-party of Wyandots, against the border settlements 
upon the Ohio, and that he had been deputed to take 
his place. He told them, also, that Girty had ordered 
him to drive them before him to Detroit the same as if 
they were cattle, and not make a halt for the purpose 
of the women giving suck to their children ; and that 
he should take them around the head of L ike Erie and 
make them foot every step of the way, The humane 
Frenchman saw fit, however, to disobey orders. He 
treated them kindly; and in four days' journey brought 
them to Lower Sandusky, where they were hospitably 
received by Arundle and Robbins, traders from De- 
troit, while Levallie wrote to De Peyster to send boats 
for their transportation thence to their place of destina- 
tion. 

Awaiting the arrival of the boats from Detroit, the 
missionaries became uneasy lest Girty should return 
from his murderous foray against the Americans and 
find his orders disobeyed ; in which event they would 
have the worst to fear. <c He did return," is the testi- 
mony of Heckewelder, "and behaved like a madman, 
on hearing that we were here, and that our conductor 
had disobeyed his orders, and had sent a letter to the 
commandant at Detroit respecting us. He flew at the 
Frenchman, who was in the room adjoining ours, most 
furiously, striking at him, and threatening to split his 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 193 

head in two for disobeying the orders he had given him. 
He swore the most horrid oaths respecting us, and 
continued in that way until after midnight. His oaths 
were all to the purport that he never would leave the 
house until he split our heads in two with his toma- 
hawk, and made our brains stick to the walls of the 
room in which we were ! I omit the names he called 
us by, and the words he made use of while swearing, as 
also the place he would go to if he did not fulfill all 
which he had sworn he would do to us. He had some- 
where procured liquor, and would, as we were told by 
those who were near him, at every drink renew his 
oaths, which he repeated until he fell asleep. 

cc Never before did any of us hear the like oaths, or 
know any one to rave like him. He appeared like an 
host of evil spirits. He would sometimes come up to 
the bolted door between us and him, threatening to 
chop it in pieces to get at us. No Indian we ever saw 
drunk would have been a match for him. How we 
should escape the clutches of this white beast in human 
form no one could foresee. Yet at the proper time 
relief was at hand; for, in the morning, at break of day, 
and while he was still sleeping, two large flat-bottomed 
boats arrived from Detroit, for the purpose of taking 
us to that place. This was joyful news ! And seeing 
the letter written by the commandant to Mr. Arundle 
respecting us, we were satisfied we would be relieved 
from the hands of this wicked white savage, whose 



194 Crawford's Expedition 

equal, we were led to believe, was perhaps not to be 
found among mankind/' 8 

Girty afterward returned to Sandusky and plotted 
against the Christian Indians, who, after their teachers 
were gone, disbanded, most of them proceeding to the 
Scioto, while others, as before mentioned, stopped for 
a while in the neighborhood, at Pipe's town — all in- 
tending to meet together, after some time, on the 
Maumee and there establish themselves — when, Craw- 
ford's army approaching, a few, as already intimated, 
took up arms and joined the Delawares, under Captain 
Pipe. Shortly after the Christian Indians were thus 
scattered, news arrived of the probable invasion of the 
Sandusky country by the Americans, and Girty now 
busied himself in assisting the gathering together of the 
Indians to repel the invaders. His influence was as 
great with the war-chief of the Delawares as with 
Zhaus-sho-toh or the Half King. 9 Elliott, therefore, 
upon his arrival at Sandusky, as before stated, found 
Girty full of excitement and ferocious zeal. 

Passing over the events of the few days following 
the advent of Elliott to the Indian lines, wherein 



* Heck ew elder's Narr., p. 332-334. 

9 In after years the Wyandots became the firm friends of the Ameri- 
cans ; and then, jealous of the fair fame of their nation, they vehemently 
disclaimed against the idea of Girty's ever having any influence in 
their councils; nevertheless, the testimony to the contrary is so over- 
whelming as not for a moment to be doubted. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 195 

Girty, as we shall hereafter see, played a notable part, 
we loose trace of him to August following, when, on 
the 16th of that month, we find him the leader of a 
large Indian force against Bryant's Station, five miles 
from Lexington, Kentucky. The Kentuckians made 
such a gallant resistance that the Indians become dis- 
heartened and were about abandoning the siege, when 
Girty, thinking he might frighten the garrison into a 
surrender, mounted a stump within speaking distance 
and commenced a parley. He told them who he was; 
that he looked hourly for reinforcements with cannon, 
and that they had better surrender at once; if they did 
so, no one should be hurt; otherwise he feared they 
would all be killed. The garrison were intimidated; 
but one young man named Reynolds, seeing the effect 
of this harangue, and believing his story, as it was, to 
be false, of his own accord answered him: "You need 
not be so particular to tell us your name; we know 
vour name and you too. I Ve had a villainous, un- 
trustworthy cur-dog this long while, named Simon Girty^ 
in compliment to you; he's so like you — -just as ugly 
and just as wicked. As to the cannon, let them come 
on; the country's roused, and the scalps of your red 
cut-throats, and your own too, will be drying on our 
cabins in twenty-four hours." I0 This spirited reply 
produced good results. Girty in turn was disheartened, 

10 Howe's Hist. Coil, of Ohio, p. 247. 



196 Crawford's Expedition 

and, with his Indians, soon withdrew. The country was 
indeed aroused. The enemy were pursued to the Blue 
Licks, where, lying in ambuscade, the Kentuckians, 
three days after, suffered a cruel defeat. This, it is be- 
lieved, was the last battle Girty was in during the Revo- 
lution ; as peace was soon after declared, and compara- 
tive tranquillity was restored along the western border. 
During the next seven years but little is recorded of 
the noted desperado. He, however, remained in the 
Indian country, employed, it is believed, most of the 
time, in trading with the savages. Certain it is that 
he lost meanwhile none of their confidence or esteem ; 
for, when war again broke out between the United 
States and the Indians of the Northwest in 1790, ren- 
dered famous by the campaign of Harmer of that 
year; of St. Clair, in 1791; and of Wayne, in 
1794; — Girty again became a famous character. 
After St. Clair's defeat, a grand council was held 
at the confluence of the Maumee and the Auglaize, 
by nearly all the Northwestern tribes, to take into 
consideration the situation of affairs. Simon Girty 
was the only white man permitted to be present. 
His voice was for a continuance of the war. Another 
conference was held in 1793, an< ^ lt was determined, 
mainly through the exertions of Girty, to continue 
hostilities. But the decisive victories of the next 
year, gained by Wayne, forever destroyed the power of 
the Indians of the Northwest; and the famous treatv 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 197 

of Greenville brought about an enduring peace, in 

'795- 

In this second war against his countrymen, Girty 

made his first appearance in the attack on Dunlap's 
Station early in 1791 — a point on the east side of the 
Great Miami river, eight miles from the spot where 
the town of Hamilton now is, in Butler county, Ohio, 
and seventeen miles from Cincinnati. The station was 
most gallantly defended ; and Girty was compelled to 
retire without effecting its capture. The last battle in 
which he was known to be actively engaged, was at St. 
Clair's defeat, on the 4th of November, 1791, twenty- 
three miles north of the present town of Greenville, 
county-seat of Darke county, Ohio. Among the dead, 
he found and recognized the body of General Richard 
Butler, second in command of the American army. 
On the retreat and general rout of our army, Girty 
captured a white woman. A Wyandot squaw who 
accompanied the warriors of her nation, perceiving 
this, demanded the prisoner, on the ground that usage 
gave all female captives to the women accompanying 
the braves. Girty refused and became furious ; when 
some warriors came up and enforced a compliance with 
this rule of the Indians — to the great relief of the 
prisoner. The woman was afterward sold to a respect- 
able French family in Detroit. 

After this, Girty was engaged in the Indian trade at 
Lower Sandusky ; going thence to " Girty's town," on 



198 Crawford's Expedition 

the St. Mary's, where he established a trading-house 
on the site of the present town of St. Mary's, in Mer- 
cer county, Ohio, which he must have abandoned while 
General Wayne was marching his army to the victory 
of the " Fallen Timbers," on the 20th of August,' 
1794; for he was present upon that occasion with his 
old associates, Elliott and McKee, though they kept 
at a respectable distance from the contest, near the 
river. After the treaty of Greenville, Girty sold his 
trading establishment at Girty's town to an Irish- 
man named Charles Murray, and removed to Canada, 
where he settled on a farm just below Maiden, on the 
Detroit river. 

Girty married in the neighborhood and raised a 
family. In vain he tried to become a decent citizen, 
and command some degree of respect. The depravity 
of his untamed and undisciplined nature was too ap- 
parent. He was abhorred by all his neighbors. In the 
war of 1 8 12, Girty, being then nearly blind, was incap- 
able of active service. After the capture of the British 
fleet on Lake Erie, in 18 13, and upon the invasion of 
Canada immediately after, he followed the British army 
on their retreat, leaving his family at home. He fixed 
his residence at a Mohawk village on Grand river, 
Canada, until the proclamation of peace, when he re- 
turned to his farm below Maiden, where he died in 
18 1 8, aged over seventy years. 

"The last time I saw Girty," writes William 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 199 

Walker, "was in the summer of 18 13. From my 
recollection of his person, he was in height five feet 
six or seven inches ; broad across the chest ; strong, 
round, compact limbs ; and of fair complexion. To 
any one scrutinizing him, the conclusion would forcibly 
impress the observer, that Girty was endowed by 
nature with great powers of endurance." 11 Spencer, a 
prisoner among the Indians, who saw Girty before he 
left the Indian country, was not favorably impressed 
with his visage: " His dark shaggy hair; his low fore- 
head ; his brows contracted, and meeting above his 
short, flat nose ; his gray sunken eyes, averting the 
ingenuous gaze; his lips thin and compressed; and the 
dark and sinister expression of his countenance; — to 
me seemed the very picture of a villain." 12 

No other country or age ever produced, perhaps, so 
brutal, depraved, and wicked a wretch as Simon Girty. 
He was sagacious and brave ; but his sagacity and 
bravery only made him a greater monster of cruelty. 
All of the vices of civilization seemed to center in 
him, and by him were ingrafted upon those of the 
savage state, without the usual redeeming qualities of 
either. He moved about through the Indian country 
during the war of the Revolution and the Indian war 
which followed, a dark whirlwind of fury, desperation, 
and barbarity. In the refinements of torture inflicted 

11 Notes to A. H. Dunlevy: 1872. These have been published. 
12 Howe's His. Coll. of Ohio, p. 248. 



200 Crawford' *s Expedition 



on helpless prisoners, as compared with the Indians, 
he " out-heroded Herod." In treachery, he stood un- 
rivaled. 

There ever rankled in his bosom a most deadly 
hatred of his country. He seemed to revel in the very 
excess of malignity toward his old associates. So 
horrid was his wild ferocity and savageness, that the 
least relenting seemed to be acts of positive goodness — 
luminous sparks in the very blackness of darkness ! 
" I have fully glutted my vengeance," said the Mingo 
Logan, when he had taken a scalp for each of his rela- 
tions murdered ; but the revenge of Simon Girty was 
gorged with numberless victims, of all ages and of 
either sex ! It seemed as insatiable as the grave itself. 
And what is the more astonishing, is, that such in- 
satiety could arise in any human breast upon a mere 
fancied neglect ! — for it will be remembered that he 
deserted to the enemy because of not being promoted 
to the command of a company ! 

Of Girty's fool-hardiness, there is ample testi- 
mony. He got into a quarrel at one time with a 
Shawanese, caused by some misunderstanding in a trade. 
While bandying hard words to each other, the Indian, 
by innuendo, questioned his opponent's courage. Girty 
instantly produced a half-keg of powder, and snatching 
a fire-brand, called upon the savage to stand by him. 
The latter, not deeming this a legitimate mode of set- 
tling disputes, hastily evacuated the premises ! 



Against Sandusky ,1782. 201 

Upon one subject, however, Girty seemed to be ill at 
ease. He was curious to know of prisoners what was 
in store for him should he be captured by the Ameri- 
cans. The idea of falling into the hands of his out- 
raged countrymen, was, in short, a terror to him. In 
the summer of 1796, when the British surrendered the 
posts of the Northwest to the United States, Girty 
was at Detroit. When the boats laden with our 
troops came in sight, he became so much alarmed that 
he could not wait for the return of the ferry-boat, but 
plunged his horse into the river, at the risk of drown- 
ing, and made for the Canada shore, which he reached in 
safety ; pouring out a volley of maledictions, as he 
rode up the opposite bank, upon the United States 
government and troops, mingled with all the diabolical 
oaths his imagination could coin. 13 

o 

13 Communicated by William Walker to A. H. Dunlevy. See The 
Wyandotte (Kan.) Gazette, of April 18, 1872. Girty, it seems. '• once 
resided five miles above Napoleon, Ohio, at a place called ' Girty's 
Point.'" — His. Coll. of Ohio, p. 24.6. Near this is Girty's Island, in 
the Maumee river, also called after the famous renegade. The date of 
his residence in this vicinity, I have not been able to deiermine with 
any degree of certainty. 



202 Crawford's Expedition 



A 



CHAPTER X. 

BATTLE OF SANDUSKY —JUNK 4, 17S2. 

BRIEF hour terminated the halt of the, American 
army on the site of the deserted Wyandot town, 
where, at one o'clock on the 4th of June, we left Craw- 
ford, — in doubt as to what ought to be done, owing to 
the strange state of affairs. Of the location of an In- 
dian village eight miles below, on the west side of the 
Sandusky, Crawford was pretty well assured ; but would 
not that one, also, be found without inhabitants? Slover 
was of opinion that the Indians of the upper town had 
moved to the lower one. Settlements, he thought, 
would soon be reached. He remembered their prox- 
imity in former years. Crawford, therefore, determined 
to move forward in search of them. 

The army crossed the river just below the site of 
the old town, at a point half a mile from the deserted 
Moravian huts, following the Indian trace, which led 
across a broad, level bottom, in a northerly direction, 
to the bluffs, or high ground, beyond. Three miles 
from the starting point brought them to the springs, 
where Upper Sandusky is now located; 1 when, after 

1 Walker, in a communication before me, gives the direction of the 
old trace with great minuteness : " From the upper village, it crossed 
the river from east to west about midway between the upper and 
lower south rims of Armstrong's Bottom ; thence to Half King's vil- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 203 

marching a mile further, some of the men, for the first 
time, expressed a desire to return home — alleging they 
had but five days' provisions in reserve. Crawford, 
stopping the march, immediately called a council of 
war, consisting of the captains and field officers. 
Knight and Rose were also invited, as were Slover and 
Zane. The opinion of the latter had great weight with 
Crawford, who knew Zane to be exceedingly well versed 
in Indian strategy. 

Zane advised an immediate return. He was of 
opinion that the Indians would, in the end, bring an 
overwhelming force against them. A further march 
into their country, he reasoned, even though the army 
had supplies in abundance, would only be giving more 
time to the enemy to gather reinforcements. That 
none of the Indians had, as yet, been discovered in the 
Plains was a sure evidence, in his judgment, that they 
were concentrating at some point not far away for a 
determined resistance. The views of Crawford coin- 
cided with those of Zane. It was finally determined bv 
the council that the armv should continue its march 
that afternoon, but no longer. 2 

lage, eight miles below, by way of what is now the town of Upper 
Sandusky." The springs mentioned in the text are within the present 
corporate limits of Upper Sandusky, and are now (1873) owned by 
Hon. Curtis Berry, Jr. 

2 Knight's Narr., p. 5. Doddridge speaks of the officers holding a 
council, but is in error as to the time and place ; also, as to its deter- 
mination. (Notes, 270.) Rose is silent upon the subject. 



204 Crawford's Expedition 

Crawford had previously formed a company of light- 
horse to act as scouts in advance of the army. 3 These 
could now move a considerable. distance in front of the 
main body with comparatively little risk — the woods 
having, to a great extent, disappeared, and there being 
no bushes or undergrowth in the groves for ambuscades 
by the enemy. From this company Crawford had de- 
tached a small party for observation, soon after leaving 
the old village. They followed along the Indian trail, 
and were now reconnoitering the open country to the 
northeast of the spot where the council of war was de- 
liberating. To the left of the trace they saw a beauti- 
ful is4and, or grove, which seemed to beckon them from 
the fierce heat of the sun. They drew up for a mo- 
ment to enjoy the cool shade of its clustering oaks. 

The spot where the party halted was slightly elevated 
above the surrounding country, and, notwithstanding 
the overshadowing branches of the thickly-growing 
trees, was covered with a luxuriant growth of the tall, 
wild grass of the Plains. To the north and west the 
prairie spread out before them— a broad champaign of 
exceeding beauty, with here and there, in the distance, 
small island-groves, to break the otherwise uninterrupted 
view. Eastward, at not more than a mile away, a long 
line of forest trees of the usual variety of the country, 
decked the margin of the Sandusky. Midway, and 

3 Affidavit of Hugh Workman, appended to the declaration of James 
Workman for a pension, dated March 29, 1833. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 205 

near the edge of the Plains, the Indian trace led onward 
in a direction nearly northeast to the Wyandot town — 
the Half King's residence — only a little over two miles 
distant. Not very far off, in a southwest direction, 
there was a large swamp, impassable to horsemen. 4 
The scouts had passed to the right of this swamp with- 
out discovering it. 

They now struck out into the open prairie to the 
north, moving leisurely on, when, at a distance of a 
mile from the grove they had just left, they suddenly 
came in full view of the enemy, having unsuspectingly 
reconnoitered, very near the rendezvous of the latter. 
When first seen, the Indians were running directly to- 
ward them. The scouts immediately drew together, and 
dispatched one of their number, riding their fleetest 
horse, as an express, to inform Crawford of the discov- 
ery of the savages ; and then wheeling about, retired 
slowly as the foe advanced. 

The Indians had chosen a favorable point for the 
assembling of their forces. 5 It was not far distant 

i This swamp (or " cranberry marsh," as it is usually called,) is mostly 
on section nineteen of township two south, of range fourteen east, of the 
government survey, in the present township of Crane — extending, a 
small portion of it, into section twenty of the same township and 
range. (See Wiiiiam Brown's Map of the Wyandot Reservation^) It 
lies about a mile and a half north of the present town of Upper San- 
dusky. 

5 The place of rendezvous of the Delawares and Wyandots was four 
miles east of north of the present town of Upper Sandusky, and to the 
right of what was afterward the old Lower Sandusky (Fremont) road. 



106 Crawford 's Expedition 

from the two traces — the one leading northeast to the 
Half King's town; the other, northwest to Pipe's 
town, — branching off from the springs, the spot where 
Upper Sandusky now stands. The warriors in ad- 
vance were the Delawares under The Pipe, their famous 
war-chief. With him were Wingenund and Girty. 
Their object in moving south was to secure the grove 
before the arrival of the Americans. The Wyandots 
under Zhaus-sho-toh were held back by Elliott for the 
present. 

Just as the officers of the American army had ended 
their council of war, the scout from the north came 
riding up at full speed, announcing the discovery and 
advance of the savages. The news was received with 
evident satisfaction by the whole army. Rapidly the 
volunteers mounted and fell into line. Crawford im- 
mediately prepared to meet the enemy he had been so 
anxiously looking for. An advance was ordered, which 
was obeyed with alacrity. The army was now joined 
by the retiring scouts, who reported the Indians just 
ahead in considerable force, evidently prepared to offer 
them battle. 

The resplendent genius of Rose, the aid of Colonel 
Crawford, began now to exhibit itself. As the belliger- 
ents rapidly approached each other he aroused himself. 
Although his keen, dark eyes flashed with excitement, 
yet his voice exhibited no trepidation. In all his move- 
ments he was cool and collected. The genial, com- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 207 

plaisant, and retiring gentleman was now the bold, 
dauntless, and spirited soldier. He rode the best 
horse in the army; and as he galloped up and down 
the lines carrying the orders of his commander, his 
gallantry and martial bearing attracted general atten- 
tion. It was well, as we shall presently see, that Irvine 
consented to spare his aid-de-camp to Crawford. 

The Americans had advanced scarcely a mile when 
the enemy were discovered immediately in front, taking 
possession of the grove the light-horse had so recently 
abandoned. Crawford, instantly detecting the advan- 
tage this would give the foe, ordered his men to dis- 
mount ; and a quick, forward movement, with brisk 
firing by the Americans, soon drove the Indians out of 
the wood into the open prairie to the north, the 
former getting full possession of the grove. The 
savages then attempted to gain a small skirt of woods 
on the right of our army, but were prevented by the 
bravery and vigilance of Major Leet, who had com- 
mand in that quarter. Just then the Delawares, who 
had bravely met the first shock of the battle, were re- 
inforced by the Wyandots under Zhaus-sho-toh. 

Elliott, who was now present and in command of the 
entire force of the enemy, ordered The Pipe, with his 
Delawares, to flank to the right and attack Crawford 
in the rear. This was quickly accomplished, the In- 
dians passing along just beyond the edge of the grove 
on the west ; and the action became at once general, 



2o8 Crawford's Expedition 

close, and hot. This skillful maneuver of the savages 
came well nigh proving fatal to the Americans ; but the 
latter, having the advantage of position, maintained 
their ground, although clearly outnumbered by their 
assailants. The firing began at four o'clock and con- 
tinued very warm on both sides. Girty was conspicu- 
ous in his excitement and endeavors. 6 The enemy were 
sheltered by the grass which grew high and rank upon 
the Plains, so that they could scarcely be seen, when on 
foot, at any great distance away. On the other hand, 
the Americans were better protected by the grove they 
had so bravely secured. 

At times it was doubtful how the day would end, as 
the battle continued with varying success. After a 
while, however, it was evident to Crawford that the 
Indians were slacking their efforts. Toward sunset 
they became more cautious in their attacks, being evi- 
dently less inclined to expose themselves to the deadly 
aim of the frontiersmen ; and finally, at dusk, they 
drew back farther into the Plains, and the firing ceased 
as daylight disappeared. 

The afternoon had been unusually hot. Little or 

6 Dunlevy, several times during the conflict, heard the voice of" 
Girty. Philip Smith not only heard him, but more than once saw 
and recognized him — beyond gunshot, however, each time. Girty 
rode a white horse; appropriately — " death on a pale horse." Both 
Dunlevy and Smith had been previously acquainted with the rene- 
gade. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 209 

no air was stirring. The river was over a mile away 
from the battle-ground, and the soldiers suffered very 
much from thirst. No spring was near nor running 
stream. Many canteens were emptied long before the 
battle was ended. Several of the volunteers went in 
search of water. John Sherrard was one of the num- 
ber — his gun having become useless to him from 
forcing a bullet into the barrel without powder. After 
a while, in wandering about, he came to a spot where 
a tree had been blown down and a considerable de- 
pression in the ground had been caused by the upheaval 
of the roots. Here he found some stagnant water. 
After quenching his thirst he filled his canteen and hat, 
and, thus supplied, made his way to his company — the 
men eagerly drinking of the water, bad as it was. The 
residue of the time, during the battle, Sherrard em- 
ployed in traveling back and forth with canteens filled 
at the pool, the bullets flying thickly around him, but 
he escaped unhurt. 

As the battle progressed, the savages, skulking in the 
high grass of the prairie, would frequently get within 
close range of the guns of the Americans, generally to 
be shot before they could make good their retreat ; for, 
in all maneuvers of that sort, the volunteers were the 
equals of the Indians. Some of the borderers climbed 
trees, and from their bushy tops took deadly aim at the 
heads of the enemy as they arose above the grass. 
Daniel Canon was conspicuous in this novel mode of 



210 Crawford's Expedition 

warfare. He was one of the dead-shots of the army; 
and, from his lofty hiding-place, the reports of his un- 
erring rifle gave unmistakable evidence of the killing 
of savages. " I do not know how many Indians I 
killed," said he, afterward, "but I never saw the same 
head again above the grass after I shot at it ! " 7 

"About a hundred feet off," says Philip Smith, 
" an Indian was hid in the tall grass, firing at me. I 
felt the bark of a tree, where I stood, fly in my face 
several times. Having discovered the position of the 
savage I fired several shots ; and, at the seventh one, 
catching sight of his body, I brought him down. 
No more balls came from that quarter. After waiting 
a reasonable time, I crawled along to find his body, but 
it had been dragged away. I could see plainly the trail 
of blood it made." 

Another soldier, who had climbed one of the trees 
of the grove, witnessed, from his lookout in its scrubby 
top, the pursuit of the gallant Rose by a party of 
mounted Indians, who were so close to him,. at times, 
as to throw their tomahawks ! They were, however, 
finally baffled by his coolness and superior horseman- 
ship. It was, according to the narrator's account, a 
most exciting race — even to a forgetfulness, by the 
latter, of his own dangerous position. 8 

7 Communicated by Robert A. Sherrard : 1872. 

8 This was communicated by one of the officers of the expedition to 
Callender Irvine, father of Dr. William A. Irvine, and by the latter 
to the author. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 211 

Francis Dunlevy, who belonged to Captain Craig 
Ritchie's company, had, during the fight, been engaged 
with an Indian of huge proportions. The latter, as 
evening approached, crept carefully and cautiously to- 
ward Dunlevy, through the top of a tree lately blown 
down, which was full of leaves, when, getting near 
enough as he supposed, he threw his tomahawk, but 
missed his aim, and then escaped. This Indian was 
afterward recognized by Dunlevy, as he believed, in 
<c Big Captain Johnny," who, in the war of 1812, was 
with the friendly Shawanese at Wapakoneta. c< In a 
campaign in which I served," writes A. H. Dunlevy, 
<c under General William Henry Harrison, in 1812-13, 
I frequently saw this Indian. He must have been 
seven feet in height ! He was as frightfully ugly as he 
was large." 9 

At dark, the victorv was clearly with the Americans. 10 
The enemy drew off, "with the loss of several scalps," 

9 Original communication: 1872. 

10 The following ludicrous account of the battle is from Heckewelder 
(Narr. Miss. 336): "The Americans reached a certain spot in an 
open prairie, where they had no hiding places ; the Indians were 
under cover of a grove of trees. The latter compelled them to fight ; 
and it is said they would have completely routedthe whole of them 
(though by the papers they were said to have been five hundred 
strong), had it not been for the lateness of the day, and that the 
Indians were hourly in expectation of a large reinforcement from 
the Shawanese towns." 



212 Crawford's Expedition 

afterward wrote Rose to Irvine. 11 How many savages 
were killed must be left entirely to conjecture. The 
loss of the enemy was doubtless severe — much more so 
than with the borderers. No prisoners were captured 
on either side. 

Although Crawford was left in full possession of the 
battle-field, yet the Indians were far from being dispir- 
ited. They well knew that reinforcements were hasten- 
ing to their relief; that these would certainly reach them 
on the morrow. The American army, during the three 
hours and a half contest, lost five killed and nineteen 
wounded. 12 Of the latter were Major Brinton, 13 Cap- 
tains Munn and Ross, Lieutenant Ashley, Ensign 
McMasters, and Philip Smith. 14 Captain Ogle was 

11 June 13, 1782. One of these scalps was taken by the brave, but 
afterward unfortunate, Captain Biggs. 

12 Rose to Irvine, 13th June, 1782. Dunlevy's estimate is in round 
numbers: "About twenty were killed and wounded." Knight puts 
the killed one less than Rose. 

13 The song — Crawford's Defeat — has these lines concerning Major 
Brinton : 

" And as this brave hero was giving command, 
The rifle-balls rattled on every hand ; 
He received a ball, but his life did not yield; 
He remained with the wounded men out on the field." 

14 "I stood behind a small sapling to shelter myself from the 
bullets ; but the tree was so small that I was compelled to stand with 
my shoulder to it. While in this position I was wounded in the 
elbow, which served to keep me in remembrance of the battle the rest 
of my life." — Smith's Recollections of Crawford's Expedition. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 213 

killed ; also, private John Campbell, of Pigeon creek, 
Washington county. 15 

Both parties lay on their arms during the night, and 
both adopted the policy of kindling large fires along 
their lines and then retiring some distance in the rear 
of them, to prevent being surprised by a night attack. 
The camp of the Wyandots was in the prairie north of 
the grove.; that of the Delawares, in the open country 
to the south. 

The battle of Sandusky was fought in and around the 
grove since well known as t£ Battle Island," in what is 
now Crane township, Wyandot county, three miles 
north, and half a mile east, of the court-house in Up- 
per Sandusky. This spot has always been readily iden- 
tified, by reason of the scars upon the trunks of the 
trees, made by the hatchets of the Indians in getting 
out the bullets after the action. But the "Island" 
may now be said to have disappeared. Cultivated 
fields mark the site where the contest took place. Oc- 
casionally an interesting relic is turned up by the plow- 
share, to be preserved by the curious as a memento of 
the battle. 16 

15 Creigb's Hist. Wash. Co., App. 56. 

16 The action took place on what is now the southeast quarter of 
section 17, of township 2 south, of range 14 east, of the government 
survey, now owned (1872) by G. Nace, extending eastward into what 
is now the southwest quarter of section 16 of the same township and 
range. The spot is marked on the map of Wyandot county of 1870, 
" Crawford's Battle Ground." It is also correctly laid down by Will- 
iam Brown, on his map of the Wyandot Reservation. 



214 Crawford's Expedition 



CHAPTER XI. 

RETREAT OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. JUNE 5-6, 1782. 

AT six o'clock on the morning of the 5th, the firing 
- was renewed between the contending parties, but 
in a desultory manner, and at long shot only, and so 
continued during the day. 1 Little damage was done on 
either side. The relative position of the belligerents 
was unchanged. The Americans still occupied the 
island of timber, with their outposts extending well 
up to the edge of the prairie surrounding them. The 
Wyandots on the north and the Delawares on the 
south were abundantly satisfied with being able to 
hold the foe between them until reinforcements, hourly 
expected, should arrive; while the Americans attributed 
the slackness of their fire to the chastisement of the 
evening previous. 

Crawford would gladly have attacked the foe at early 
dawn, but there were obstacles in the way. Some of 

1 u At the distance of two or three hundred yards." — Knight. " The 
enemy had received so severe a blow the preceding evening, that he 
did not venture an attack ; but contented himself to annoy us at a dis- 
tance." — Rose. u Next day the Indians lay around us at long-shot 
distance. Skirmishing continued all day, but there was no regular bat- 
tle." — Dunlevy. " The next day, fired on each other at the distance 
of three hundred yards, doing little or no execution." — Slover. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 215 

his men were sick from the fatigues of the march, some 
from the extreme heat of the weather, and others from 
the bad water they had been compelled to drink since 
leaving the river ; and, as already mentioned, there were 
several wounded. To give all of these the proper at- 
tention and care would require the services of several 
of the volunteers ; and it was thought best, as the sav- 
ages were in such force, not to attack them until every 
soldier, unless sick or disabled from wounds, could take 
part in the engagement. It was, therefore, determined 
not to make a general attack upon the Indians until 
after nightfall. "We were so much incumbered with 
our wounded and sick," is the language of Rose, " that 
the whole day was spent in their care, and in preparing 
for a general attack the next night." 2 

The volunteers felt confident of an easy victory ; 
and there was much in the conduct of the troops the 
previous day to inspire such a belief in the mind of the 
commander. Orders had been obeyed cheerfully; and 
the officers displayed much bravery and coolness. The 
firing interfered but little with the active measures being 
taken for the coming conflict. The loss of the Ameri- 
cans through the entire day was four wounded. Craw- 
ford was making every effort to be fully prepared to 
strike a decisive blow. Plans were discussed and fully 
matured for the attack in force. Suddenly, however, all 
wore a changed aspect ! 

2 Rose to Irvine, June 13, 1782. Not the whole day however. 



216 Crawford' s Expedition 

The afternoon was not far advanced when the quick 
eye of a sentinel, stationed in a small copse to the north- 
east of the grove, caught sight of an advancing troop, 
partly to the left and in the rear of the Wyandots, rap- 
idly approaching the lines of the latter. That they were 
all mounted he plainly saw. The next moment disclosed 
to his astonished vision that they were a body of white 
troops. It was Butler's Rangers. They had encamped, 
the evening previous, six miles north, at the mouth of 
Tymochtee creek. 3 Crawford was soon informed of 
this sudden apparition of a civilized foe. That the 
savages would be able, in any event, to obtain aid 
from Detroit, had not been dreamed of by any one in 
the American army. It was surmised now, that they 
had been stationed at Lower Sandusky or upon the 
Miami of the Lake — the Maumee — and had thus been 
enabled to reach the Plains in so short a time. 4 Their 
appearance was certainly well calculated to strike dismay 
to the hearts of the whole army. 

3 In response to a letter written by Irvine to Marshal, on the I 8th 
of Julv following, the latter speaks of information he had received from 
a returned soldier as to the last encampment of these Rangers. The 
soldier had escaped from captivity ; and while a prisoner had been told 
that the British camp was but six miles from the battle-field. The 
same distance is inferable from Leith's narrative. 

4 The volunteers returned to their homes . with that impression. 
"The Sandusky people collected light dragoons from the British posts 
between Sandusky and the post at Detroit." — Pentecost to Moore, June 
17, 1782. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 217 

Crawford saw that the contemplated attack must be 
abandoned, and that a defensive policy would have to 
be adopted. He immediately called a council of war 
of the field officers, to take into consideration the 
changed aspect of affairs. While they were deliberating, 
a large reinforcement — apparently two hundred strong — 
of Shawanese was discovered advancing- from the south. 
They moved along in full view > and took up a position 
to the west of the Delawares; so that the trail from the 
south, which had been followed by the Americans, ran 
along between the two camps of the savages. At a dis- 
tance, in the prairie, parties of the enemy were seen to 
pass to and fro, and small squads were discovered con- 
stantly arriving as reinforcements. " They kept pour- 
ing in hourly from all quarters," are the words of 
Rose. 5 

The council of war unanimously resolved upon a re- 
treat that night, as the succors of the enemy rendered 
their entire force so much superior in numbers, that to 
risk an engagement would be, in the judgment of all, 
hazardous in the extreme. 6 Besides, it was now fairly 
to be presumed that the enemy would continue to be 
reinforced. cc Prudence, therefore, dictated a retreat," 
wrote Rose to the commandant at Fort Pitt. Orders 

5 Rose to Irvine, June 13, 1-82. 

"The field officers then assembled, and agreed, as the enemy- 
were every moment increasing, and as we had already a number of 
wounded, to retreat that night." — Knight. Doddridge, in his Notes, p. 
272, mentions (upon what authority does not appear), a proposition as 



2i 8 Crawford's Expedition 

were given, and preparations at once begun, for a retro- 
grade movement, to commence at nine o'clock. There 
was, it was evident, no other course to be pursued. 

The volunteers killed were now buried, and fires 
burned over their graves to prevent discovery. Of the 
twenty-three wounded, seven were in a dangerous con- 
dition. Biers were prepared for these. The wounds 
of the others were mostly slight; none so bad but they 
could ride on horseback. The whole body was to form 
in four lines, or divisions, keeping the wounded in the 
center. By sundown the arrangements were all com- 
plete. 

During the afternoon, as in the early part of the 
day, occasional shots were interchanged between the 
outposts of the contending parties, but usually at a 
distance of from two to three hundred yards. Dun- 
levy, who was engaged in the edge of the prairie watch- 
ing the enemy, frequently heard, as during the battle 
the day before, the voice of Simon Girty. He was 
very well acquainted with the renegade, and thought 
there could be no doubt of his identity, and so ex- 
pressed himself to his comrades at the time. It was 
generally believed among the volunteers — though in 
this they were mistaken — that Girty had the chief 

having been made at the council, by Williamson, to take one hundred 
and fifty volunteers and march " directly to Upper Sanduskey," to de- 
stroy the village. That such a proposition was made at the council 
held the day previous, is not beyond the bounds of probability : it 
would hardly have been made at the "last council. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 219 

command of the enemy ; and many afterward so re- 
ported. 7 

The day had been as hot as the one previous ; and, 
as then, there had been much suffering for the want of 
water. John Sherrard sought the pool from which he 
had supplied his comrades during the battle ; but, to 
his surprise, found it entirely dry. His narrative of 
what followed is interesting: cc After searching the 
grove around, I was fortunate enough to find another 
supply, and again busied myself relieving the men 
of my company. At length, overcome with heat and 
fatigue, I sat down at the foot of a large oak tree, and 
in a short time fell asleep. How long I slept I can 
not say. I was aroused by some bark falling upon my 
head from above, which had been knocked off the tree 
by the balls of the enemy. I then resumed my task 
of carrying water." 8 

It was no sooner dark than the officers went on the 
outposts and brought in the men as expeditiously and 
quietly as possible. The whole body was then formed 
to begin the march, with Crawford at the head. Each 
of the four divisions was commanded by the same field 
officer as on the outward march, except that of Major 

Brinton. This officer being wounded, Major Leet had 

_ . ^ 

7 Although, as already mentioned, it is not settled as to whether 
Girty held a commission from the British government or not, yet it is 
a significant fact that the Moravian missionaries considered him an 
English officer. 

8 Communicated by Robert A. Sherrard; 1872. 



220 Crawford's Expedition 

already taken command of his division. Just at this 
time the enemy discovered the intentions of the Amer- 
icans, and opened a hot fire. Some of the men be- 
came alarmed. This precipitated matters. A few in 
the front lines hurried off, and most of those in the 
rear were not slow to follow, leaving the seven dan- 
gerously wounded men ; some of whom, however, got 
off on horseback by the help of kind comrades, who 
waited for and assisted them. 

It was the express order of Crawford that the wounded 
should all be taken along; and it was only the con- 
fusion arising from the army being so unexpectedly at- 
tacked, just at the critical moment the retreat was to 
have commenced, that interfered with that humane com- 
mand. It was, indeed, generally supposed by the offi- 
cers that all the wounded had been brought off; hence 
Rose to Irvine: 9 u We secured all our wounded." 
Lieutenant Ashley was carried from the field by the 
brave and magnanimous Captain Biggs, unknown, how- 
ever, to the army. Only two, it is believed, were left 
to the insatiate vengeance of the savages. 

The whole army was soon in motion, with Crawford 
at their head ; and the only wonder is, that the move- 
ment did not degenerate at once into a total rout. 
Such, however, was not the case, although there was 
considerable confusion and a great noise. Says Rose 
to Irvine, apologetically: (i In a body trained to the 

9 June 13, 1782. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 221 

strictest discipline, some confusion would have arisen, 
upon such an occasion." 10 Major McClelland led the 
division in front, and was soon engaged with the Dela- 
wares and Shawanese. It had been determined at the 
council to retreat on the same route followed by the 
army in their march out. This led due south from the 
battle-field for a short distance, until the Indian trace 
was struck, which would then take the army in a course 
toward the southwest— directly between the two camps 
of the savages. It was at this point that McClelland's 
line suffered severely. That officer fell from his horse, 
desperately wounded. Calling to John Orr, who was 
near, he told him to take his horse (Orr was on foot) 
and cc clear himself," which he did. Little did the un- 
fortunate major imagine the awful fate that was awaiting 
him — or he certainly would have craved the mercy of a 
bullet through his heart ! Orr afterward related that 
he heard several of the men who were in the conflict, 

10 The account given by Doddridge (Notes, 273), concerning the 
commencement of the retreat, is wholly fictitious: "Most unfortu- 
nately," says the writer, " when a retreat was resolved on, a differ- 
ence of opinion prevailed concerning the best mode of effecting it. 
The greater number thought best to keep in a body and retreat as fast 
as possible, while a considerable number thought it safest to break off 
in small parties, and make their way home in different directions, 
avoiding the route by which they came. Accordingly, many attempted 
to do so, calculating that the whole body of the Indians would follow 
the main army," " The whole body was formed to take up their line 
of march," is the language of Rose. All the straggling therefore was 
evidently the result of subsequent events. 



222 Crawford 's Expedition 

say that the horsemen on the retreat rode over McClel- 
land ; and it was the general belief that he was killed 
where he fell. Such, however, was not the fact. Fright- 
ful tortures by the merciless savages were doled out to 
him afterward. 

Although the enemy had early discovered the move- 
ment of the Americans, and had opened fire upon them, 
yet they were in great confusion and apparent alarm. It 
was not clear to them that a retreat was really intended 
by Crawford. They were fearful it was only a feint — 
a ruse or maneuver of some kind, not a flight. It was, 
perhaps, this uncertainty, or the well-known aversion of 
the Indians to night contests, that saved the borderers. 
Certain it is the enemy did not make an immediate 
effort to pursue them. 

While McClelland's party was hotly engaged with 
the Delawares and Shawanese in front, the other di- 
visions, to avoid the savages, bore off in a southwest 
direction, leaving the combatants to the left. This 
brought them near the swamp before spoken of, into 
which, owing to the darkness, rode some of the Ameri- 
cans. 13 The rear division was here attacked by the 

13 A small swamp near the battle-field has generally been mistaken 
for the one in which some of Crawford's men became entangled. 
The fact that a human skull and Indian relics have been found there, 
has served to strengthen the belief; but the distance traveled by the 
army after leaving the grove and the direction taken, make it evident 
that it was the " cranberry marsh " in which several men of the three 
divisions got involved. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 223 

Indians, and suffered some loss. Several of the men 
were compelled to leave their horses hopelessly en- 
tangled among the bogs, or stuck fast in the oozy soil. 

The march was continued around the western margin 
of the swamp with considerable confusion. 14 When it 
was supposed by the volunteers that they were entirely 
beyond the enemy's lines, they changed their course to 
the southeast. A little before daylight, the trail they 
had followed on the inward march was reached ; and, at 
break of day, they came to the site of the deserted vil- 
lage of the Wyandots — Upper Sandusky, Old Town — 
when a halt was called. 15 

The three divisions, in their march from the battle- 
field, had described the half of a circle, the center of 
which is the site of the present town of Upper San- 
dusky ; but McClelland's division had marched, in a 
greatly demoralized condition, along the trail leading by 
the springs, and had already arrived irregularly and in 
much confusion, at the Old Town. It was evident they 
had suffered severely in their contest with the combined 
forces of the enemy ; luckily, however, they had not 
been pursued far by the savages. 

Detached parties continued to arrive at the deserted 
village, 16 and the army, in a short time, numbered about 

14 That this was the course taken is a current Wyandot tradition. 
Besides, it is corroborated by Knight (Narr., p. 7). 

15 This fact is particularly mentioned by both Dunlevy and Rose. 

16 The following, from Doddridge, is wholly unreliable {Notes, 
273) : " The only successful party who were detached from the main 



224 Crawford's Expedition 

three hundred. 17 It was now discovered that Colonel 
Crawford was missing — cc whose loss," says Rose, cc we 
all regretted. " lS No one could give any information 
concerning him ; — whether killed, captured, or making 
his escape through the wilderness, was a matter of con- 
jecture with every one. Dr. John Knight and John 
Slover were also missing. Major McClelland was re- 
ported killed. 

The command of the army now devolved upon 
Williamson, who immediately exerted himself in col- 
lecting the different parties, and in bringing order out 
of the general confusion. 19 He was powerfully aided 
by the gallant Rose, and the retreat was again con- 
tinued. 

It will be remembered that, on the march out, as 
the army passed along the Indian trace in the woods 
before reaching the deserted village of the Wyandots, a 
sugar-camp had been noticed, where, apparently in the 

army, was that of about forty men, under the command of a Captain 
Williamson, who, pretty late in the night of the retreat, broke through 
the Indian lines under a severe fire and with some loss, and overtook 
the main army on the morning of the second day of the retreat." 

" « We had about three hundred men when collected." — Dunievy. 
Rose is silent as to the number. He says : " Several were separated ; 
but the main body was collected at daybreak, five miles from the 
place of action, on the ground where the town formerly stood." 

18 Rose to Irvine, June 13, 1782. 

19 The wisdom of Irvine in instructing the volunteers at Mingo Bot- 
tom to determine, before the march begun, the relative rank of the 
field officers, was now clearly seen. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 225 

early spring, maple sugar had been made by the savages. 
Isaac Vance, one of the volunteers from Washington 
county, as the army was passing along, espied a brass 
kettle that had been used by the Indians in this camp 
to boil sap in, and which had apparently been left in 
the bush through an inadvertence. This kettle, in the 
eyes of the backwoodsman, was a prize of too much 
value to be left in the enemy's country ; so, dismount- 
ing, and seizing a bowlder, he soon had the utensil 
flattened, ready for transportation. It was then se- 
curely fastened to his saddle ; and, notwithstanding the 
stirring scenes through which the finder soon after 
passed, was transported all the way to the home of the 
borderer. 20 

John Sherrard, whose services in supplying his com- 
pany with water upon the battle-field have been noticed, 
overtook the army just before the latter left the wood- 
land again to thread its way in the open country in 
what is now Crawford county. His story was a melan- 
choly one. In company with Daniel Harbaugh, after 
having become separated from the division to which he 
belonged, just as the retreat commenced the evening 
before, he had followed, as best he could, the main 
body of the troops — making, however, very slow prog- 
ress owing to the darkness, which rendered it exceed- 
ingly difficult to keep the trail of the retreating forces. 

20 Communicated by Hon. Josiah Scott, of Bucyrus, Ohio, who 
heard, when a boy, the particulars related by Vance, as narrated. 



226 Crawford's Expedition 

It was a fortunate circumstance the two followed in 
the rear of the divisions moving to the southwest from 
the field of battle ; for, had they taken the track of Mc- 
Clelland's party, which led between the camps of the 
Delawares and Shawanese, both, doubtless, would have 
been killed or captured. Not long after sunrise the 
next morning, they had gained the woods, and were 
moving along the trace on the east side of the San- 
dusky, some distance south of where the Old Town 
formerly stood, when Sherrard, who was riding in ad- 
vance of his companion, saw an Indian a short distance 
away on his left. He immediately dismounted and got 
behind a tree, calling, at the same time, to his comrade 
to place himself in a like posture of defense. 

Harbaugh had not been quick enough in discover- 
ing the Indian ; for, getting upon the exposed side of 
the tree, he was quickly shot by the savage ; exclaim- 
ing, as he gradually sunk down in a sitting posture : 
"Lord, have mercy upon me! I am a dead man !" 
and immediately expired. As soon as the smoke of 
the Indian's gun had cleared away, the savage was dis- 
covered by Sherrard, running as if for life, doubtless 
expecting a shot from the latter. But he had already 
escaped beyond the reach of a bullet. 

At the sight of Harbaugh's pale face, his friend was 
greatly moved — more unmanned than at any of the 
scenes he had witnessed during the battle. After 
a moment to collect his thoughts, Sherrard stripped 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 227 

the saddle and bridle from his dead companion's horse, 
turning the animal loose. He then relieved his own 
horse of a very uncomfortable pack-saddle, and put in 
its place the saddle of Harbaugh. Mounting and 
taking a parting glance at the lifeless form of his com- 
rade, still in a sitting posture, he rode sadly onward. 

Sherrard had proceeded on the trail not a very great 
distance, when he made the discovery that, in the ex- 
citement of the moment, he had forgotten to disen- 
gage from the pack-saddle he had left behind, his sup- 
ply of provisions, which were rolled up in a blanket. 
He resolved to retrace his steps, and secure what had 
thus inadvertently been left. Upon returning to the 
spot where Harbaugh was shot, a shocking spectacle 
was presented to his view. The Indian had returned, 
scalped the lifeless soldier, and then made off with his 
horse, gun, and bridle. Sherrard's pack-saddle and 
blanket had, however, not been discovered by the sav- 
age. A brief examination disclosed the fact that Har- 
baugh had received the fatal bullet in his right breast. 

Sherrard, securing his blanket and provisions, again 
resumed his journey, overtaking the retreating army 
soon after, without any further encounter with an 
enemy, and was cordially greeted by his companions 
in arms. 

Not long after the army had reached the open 
country southeast of the mouth of the Little Sandusky 
creek, and was well on its way in the Plains, a large 



228 Crawford's Expedition 

body of the enemy was discovered a considerable dis- 
tance in the rear. It consisted of mounted Indians 
and the British light cavalry. At noon, the army had 
reached a point on the trail due south of the present 
site of Bucyrus, in Bucyrus township, Crawford 
county. " The enemy," says Rose, " hung on our 
rear through the Plains;" 21 and they now began to 
press the Americans. 

The eastern verge of the prairie was now not very 
far ahead. By two o'clock, the woodland had almost 
been reached, when the enemy crowded hard upon their 
rear, and began a flank movement of the Americans 
both right and left. <f It was evidently their design/* 
wrote Rose to Irvine, 22 " to retard our march, until 
they could possess themselves of some advantageous 
ground in our front, and so cut off our retreat, or 
oblige us to fight them at a disadvantage. Though it 
was our business studiously to avoid engaging in the 
Plains, on account of the enemy's superiority in light 
cavalry, yet they pressed our rear so hard, that we con- 
cluded on a general and vigorous attack, whilst our 
light-horse secured the entrance of the woods." 23 

Note i. — John Sherrard, whose name is frequently mentioned in 
this narrative, was born the latter part of the year 1 750, near Newtown- 

21 Rose to Irvine, 13th June, 1782. 

22 13th June, 1782. 

23 In speaking of the retreat, Doddridge says: "The Indians paid 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 229 

Limavady, a flourishing town situated on a stream emptying into 
Lough Foyle, Ireland. It is located about fifteen miles from the 
city of Londonderry. He was the eldest son of William Sher- 
rard and Margaret Johnson — persons of fortune and respectability. 
He came to America in October, 1772, staying in Philadelphia until 
the spring of 1773, when he crossed the Allegheny Mountains on 
foot, following Braddock's trail, and settled in what is now Fayette 
county, Pennsylvania. 

In March, 1774, Sherrard, in company with about twenty others, 
went down the Ohio to Kentucky, landing at Limestone (Maysville), 
whence they journeyed to the vicinity of the present town of Lexington, 
where each one selected a tract of land. Sherrard cleared about thirty 
acres and raised a crop of corn. This entitled him to hold four 
hundred acres. He returned in the fall, and took up his residence in 
Lancaster county, Pennsylvania. In the spring of 1775, he volun- 
teered for one year in the service of his country, joining the famous 
"Flying Camp of Pennsylvania." He was with this body of men in 
their several engagements, and returned to Lancaster at the close of 
his term of enlistment. 

In the fall of 1778, he again removed west of the mountains, residing 
in Dunbar township, in what is now Fayette county. In May, 1783, 
he married Mary Cathcart; and, in 1805, removed to Jefferson county, 
Ohio, where he died in 1809. He had five sons, two of whom — 
David A. C. Sherrard and Robert A. Sherrard — are still (1873) living, 
but well advanced in years. 

Note 2. — In 1844, Joseph McCutchen, a resident of that part of 
Crawford which soon after became Wyandot county, Ohio, published 

but little attention to the main body of the army, but pursued the 
small parties with such activity, that but very few of those who com- 
posed them made their escape." — Notes, 273. He seems to have had 
no information whatever concerning the stirring incidents which trans- 
pired the day after the retreat began. 



230 Crawford's Expedition 

in The American Pioneer (vol. ii, p. 283), a fiction respecting the battle 
of Sandusky and commencement of the retreat. The writer says: 

"As I have it, the story respecting the battle is, that if Crawford 
had rushed on when he first came amorg the Indians, they would 
have given way and made but little or no fight ; but they had a talk 
with him three days previous to the fight, and asked him to give 
them three days to collect in their chiefs and head men of the differ- 
ent tribes, and they would then make a treaty of peace with him. 
The three days were therefore given ; and during that time all their 
forces gathered together that could be raised as fighting men, and the 
next morning Crawford was attacked, some two or three miles north 
of the island where the main battle was fought. 

" The Indians then gave back in a south direction until they got into 
an island of timber, which suited their purpose, which was in a large 
plain, now well known as Sandusky Plains. There the battle con- 
tinued until night. The Indians then ceased firing; and, it is said, 
immediately afterward a man came near to the army with a white flag. 
Colonel Crawford sent an officer to him. The man said he wanted to 
talk with Colonel Crawford, and that he did not want Crawford to 
come nearer to him than twenty steps, as he (Girty) wanted to con- 
verse with Crawford, and might be of vast benefit to him. 

" Crawford accordingly went out as requested. Girty then said, 
' Colonel Crawford, do you know me?' The answer was, * I seem to 
have some recollection of your voice, but your Indian dress deprives 
me of knowing you as an acquaintance.' The answer was then, ' My 
name is Simon Girty ;' and after some more conversation between 
them, they knew each other well. 

" Girty said, * Crawford, my object in calling you here is to say to 
you, that the Indians have ceased firing until to-morrow morning, 
when they intend to commence the fight ; and as they are three times 
as strong as you are, they will be able to cut you all off. To-night 
the Indians will surround your army, and when that arrangement is 
fully made, you will hear some guns fire all around the ring. But 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 231 

there is a large swamp or very wet piece of ground on the east side of 
you. where there will be a vacancy: that gap you can learn by the 
firing; and in the night you had better march your men through and 
make your escape in an east direction. 

" Crawford accordingly in the night drew up his men and told them 
his intention. The men generally assenting, he then commenced his 
march east ; but the men soon got into confusion and lost their course." 

Note 3. — Equally as absurd is Hecke welder's account of the re- 
treat. He says : " The plan now being that they [the Indians] would 
surround them [Crawford and his men] during the night, and at day- 
break attack them from all sides, they moved on at che proper time ; 
when, however, to their mortification, they discovered that the heroes 
had fled during the night ; not choosing, as it appeared, to stand an 
engagement with the kind of ' warriors ' they met here [a reference to 
the Americans having anticipated meeting only peaceable Moravian 
Indians]. Some few who were not awoke from their sleep when 
their comrades went off, were found yet in that condition, lying in the 
high grass." — Narr. Miss., p. 337. 

Note 4. — The following brief history of the expedition, up to the 
time of Crawford's army leaving the Sandusky battle-ground, is from 
the American Pioneer, vol. i, p. 378, communicated by John McCaddon. 
It is, as will be seen, singularly erroneous. The account of the escape 
of the valorous Longstreet is ludicrous enough ! The writer says : 

" The American government ordered a {qw hundred men to march out 
and chastise the Indians. These were mostly or entirely drafted. I lived 
then in Fayette county, Pennsylvania, and was one; but hired a substitute 
by the name of Aaron Longstreet, a very active young man. When they 
arrived at the Sandusky Plains, they were met by the Indians, with 
whom they skirmished and fought for several days. The Indian forces 
increased every day, until our men were overpowered and surrounded. 
There was left to them no alternative but to force their way through 
the enemy. They placed themselves in solid column, the horsemen 



232 Crawford's Expedition 

foremost. Mr. Longstreet caught hold of one of the horse's tails, and 
scampered through the fire." 

Note 5. — A work entitled Sketches of Western Adventure, is fre- 
quently cited as an authority by writers upon Crawford's expedition. 
In the Preface of the book (p. viii), the author, John A. McClung, 
says : " For the striking incidents attending the expedition of Craw- 
ford, I am indebted to the printed narratives of Knight and Slover, 
which were published immediately after their return to Virginia, when 
the affair was fresh in the recollection of hundreds, and any misstate- 
ment would instantly have been corrected." Nevertheless, a com- 
parison of his account (Chapters V and VI) with the Knight and 
Slover pamphlet of 1783, discloses his work to be so defectively done 
that I have found it valueless as a reference. His failure is in attempt- 
ing to speak for his captives, instead of letting them speak for them- 
selves. As the writer essays only to follow the narratives of Knight 
and Slover, he gives, of course, no account of the retreat of the main 
army or the battle of June 6th. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 233 



CHAPTER XII. 

BATTLE OF OLENTANGY - RETURN OF THE AMERICANS. JUNE 6-14, 

17S2. 

IT was two o'clock in the afternoon of the 6th of 
June, when the retreating army was brought to a 
stand by the pursuing enemv. The spot was at the 
eastern edge of the Plains, in what is now Whetstone 
township, Crawford county, not far from a small branch 
of the Olentangy creek — a tributary of the Scioto. 
This creek was formerly called, and still is frequently, 
the Whetstone, as the Delaware Indian name was Keen- 
hong-she-con-sepung^ or Whetstone creek in English. Its 
present name, Olentangy, was £C restored," in 1833, by 
the Legislature of Ohio ; but whether, in this restora- 
tion, the right name was substituted, is doubtful. 1 

The forenoon had been excessively hot, but clouds 
now began to obscure the fierce rays of the almost verti- 
cal sun. Indications rapidly multiplied of an approach- 
ing storm. Already the change in the temperature 
was a grateful relief to the Americans. The latter had 
faced about, fronting to the west — the light-horse some 
distance in the rear, resting in the skirt of the woods. 
The superiority of the enemy, in numbers and equip- 
ment, was painfully evident to the borderers. They 

1 See Smith's Narr. 87, 99; also, Robt. Clarke & Co.'s reprint, 175. 



234 Crawford'' 's Expedition 



were all mounted ; 2 but, fortunately, owing to the rapid- 
ity of the pursuit, the British had been compelled to 
leave their artillery at the Sandusky. 3 

Williamson exerted himself to the utmost to encour- 
age his heroic little band, and was ably seconded by the 
indefatigable Rose, whose cheerfulness, suavity, and 
coolness were only equaled by his wonderful skill and 
intrepidity. It is not too much to say that the un- 
daunted young foreigner was the good angel of the Amer- 
ican forces now standing at bay. c ' Stand to your 
ranks, boys," were his inspiring words sounding along 
the lines; "stand to your ranks, and take steady aim, 
fire low, and do n't throw away a single shot. Remem- 
ber, everything depends upon your steadiness." In 
less than an hour the enemy, whose exertions had been 
daring and furious, and who, according to Dunlevy, 
" attacked on the front, left flank, and rear," gave way 
on all sides. cc We had three killed and eight wounded 
in this action," is the testimony of Rose. 4 Captain 

2 " The Indians, in company with some red-coats, mounted horses 
for speed, and overhauled our people." — Fort Pitt Correspondence of the 
Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser (Philadelphia), July 23, 
1782. Dunlevy speaks of the army being pursued by mounted In- 
dians; Rose, by the enemy's light cavalry. 

3 There lingers around the headwaters of the Sandusky a tradition to 
the effect that one of the cannon belonging to Crawford was buried 
somewhere in the Plains. It is hardly necessary to speak of the ab- 
surdity of this tradition. Crawford had no cannon; the British lost 
none. 

4 Rose to Irvine, June 13, 1782. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 235 

Joseph Bean was shot through the body, but recovered. 5 
The loss of the enemy was never ascertained. It was 
probably much severer than that of the Americans. 6 

A circumstance mentioned by Leith illustrates the 
fatal accuracy of the shots of the backwoodsmen during 
the battle. It will be remembered that this man had 
encamped, on the night of the 4th, about fourteen 
miles above Lower Sandusky, on the river. Just after 
he had fixed his camp and put out his horses to graze, 
a Frenchman — an interpreter to the Indians — made his 
appearance from below. " Well," said he, " I believe 
I will stay with you to-night and take care of you." 
Exactly how he was to be protected by the doughty 
Frenchman was not apparent. Leith informed his vis- 

5 Dunlevy's application for a pension, October 3, 1832. 
. 6 The battle of Olentangy was fought on what is now the north- 
west quarter of section 22, in township 3 south, of range 17 east, of 
the government survey, in what is now Whetstone township, Craw- 
ford county. A Wyandot Indian trail afterward ran along to the 
north of the battle-field. I find in the Pennsylvania Journal and 
Weekly Advertiser, of July 23, 1782, that the battle was fought 
"at a certain plain, twenty-five miles from the town;" — where the 
old Wyandot town that was found deserted, is evidently referred to. 
The distance, as traveled by the army, is very accurately given. 
The battle-ground is five miles in a south-easterly direction from 
Bucyrus; about six, in a northwesterly course, from Galion ; and 
nearly nine, a little south of west of Crestline. As the battle was 
fought in the Plains, there were no traces of the battle-field to be seen 
afterward, as at " Battle Island." 



236 Crawford's Expedition 

itor that he was welcome for the night; at the same 
time explaining to him his intentions of making a very 
early start on the morrow. 

Next morning, after Leith had his horses loaded 
ready to pursue his journey to Lower Sandusky, and 
the Frenchman had also got in readiness for a start up 
the river, a report was heard, which both believed to be 
the firing of a cannon at Upper Sandusky. The inter- 
preter clapped his hands in great glee. " I shall be 
there before the battle is begun," said he, and imme- 
diately rode off. It appears he found his friends too 
soon for his personal safety. Hastening onward, he 
came upon a party of Wyandots who were preparing 
for battle. The valorous Gaul was determined not to 
be outdone by the painted and plumed heroes around 
him, so far as appearances were concerned. After put- 
ting on a ruffled shirt, he completed his war-toilet by 
painting a large red spot upon his breast; remarking, 
at the same time, to his dusky and yelling associates : 
" Here is a mark for the Virginia riflemen. " He 
afterward marched with the Indians to the battle of 
Olentangy, where he received a ball in the very spot he 
had so boastfully decorated his person with, and died 
immediately. 7 

Scarcely had the battle ended when the threatened 
rain-storm swept the Plains with great fury. The air 

7 Leith'- \r Narr^ p. 16. Walker, in a communication before me, 
speaks of this Frenchman as having been "disguised as an Indian." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 237 

became chilly, and the troops were drenched to the skin. 
Fire-arms were rendered nearly useless. No sooner, how- 
ever, had the wounded been cared for and the dead buried, 
than the retreat was again continued. The enemy, ob- 
serving the movement, rallied their scattered forces in the 
Plains, and renewed the pursuit, firing occasionally, but 
keeping at a respectable distance. Captain Biggs' com- 
pany, which led the advance on the outward march, now 
reduced to nine men, was in the rear covering the retreat. 
All its officers were missing; John Rogers was acting as 
lieutenant, in place of Edward Stewart. 

After the Americans had proceeded some distance, 
Rogers asked Williamson to have his company relieved 
from its dangerous position, as some of his men were 
wounded and the residue greatly exhausted. It was 
given a place next to the front. But the enemy's 
shots had now become so galling, that the sudden ex- 
posure of other men in the rear to the firing caused 
them to move forward in some confusion. This was 
immediately followed by irregularities in the advance; 
and a panic had well nigh been the result, but for the 
almost superhuman efforts of Williamson and Rose. 
Already several of the companies began to waver; and 
the regular marching order was in imminent danger of 
being broken, ending in a confused and hopeless rout. 
Williamson earnestly entreated his men to keep their 
ranks. " Not a man of you will ever reach home," 
he exclaimed, " if each one attempts to shift for him- 



238 Crawford's Expedition 

self. Your only salvation is in keeping in line. Our 
ranks once broken, and all is lost." These remon- 
strances had, at length, the desired effect. Order was 
restored. The company in front filed to the left, and 
when the others had passed, immediately wheeled into 
line in the rear, occupying that position for some dis- 
tance, when another one from the front took its place, 
and so on in a continuous round ; the army all the 
while making good progress forward, while no particu- 
lar company was required, for any considerable length of 
time, to cover the retreat. 

By night-fall the army had reached the spot on the 
Sandusky river first seen by the army in its outward 
march, in what is now Crawford county, just to the 
east of where Leesville is located, a distance in a north- 
easterly direction of nearly six miles from the battle- 
field, where a halt was called, with the enemy a mile in 
the rear. Both parties now encamped for the night. 
Every precaution was taken by Williamson to guard 
against a surprise. The soldiers slept upon their arms. 
They were now directly east from the old village of the 
Wyandots twenty-five miles, and a little over thirty 
from the battle-ground of the 4th ; but the route as 
traveled by most of the soldiers, since the retreat first 
began, was a distance of full forty miles. Many were 
on foot; they were incumbered with the wounded and 
sick ; they had fought a severe battle, as we have seen, 
during the day: it may be imagined, therefore, how 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 239 

greatly the troops enjoyed a night's repose ; for the 
enemy did not venture to disturb them. 8 

"At day-break/' says Dunlevy, cc the retreat was 
renewed. " 9 Scarcely had the Americans formed their 
lines when the enemy appeared in the rear and opened 
fire. Two of the borderers were, at this juncture, un- 
fortunately captured, and, it is supposed, immediately 
tomahawked. Now, however, to the great relief of the 
army, the pursuit was abandoned. cc The Indians/' 
continues Dunlevy, "pursued the main body no 
longer." The last hostile shot was fired near where 
the village of Crestline now stands. Here the Ameri- 
cans had their last view of the foe ; it was a welcome 
adieu. Not a single savage or British Ranger was af- 
terward seen by the army. 

s In speaking of the day following the one upon which the retreat 
commenced, Doddridge says: " They continued their march the whole 
of the next day, with a trifling annoyance from the Indians, who fired 
a few distant shots at the rear guard, which slightly wounded two or 
three men. At night they built fires, took their suppers, secured 
their horses, and resigned themselves to repose without placing a single 
sentinel or vidette for safety ! In this careless situation they might 
have been surprised and cut off by the Indians, who, however, gave 
them no disturbance during the night, nor afterward during the whole 
of the retreat!" As this describes, pretty nearly, the events of the 
day after the second battle, it is probable that the information of the 
writer was derived from some straggler who did not reach the army 
until that day. 

9 See his declaration for a'pension : 1832. The incidents occurring 



240 Crawford s Expedition 

When it became apparent there was no longer any 
danger from the enemy, the discipline of the army was, 
to a considerable degree, relaxed ; but there was no 
straggling, and orders were promptly obeyed. <c The 
unremitting activity of Col. Williamson," says Rose, 
"surmounted every obstacle and difficulty in getting 
the wounded along." 10 As the army continued its 
march, stragglers would occasionally come up with the 
main body — some having become separated from their 
command the night of the beginning of the retreat, and 
others during the battle the following day. They were 
received by their comrades with loud hurrahs; and as 
some of them were nearly famished, their wants were 
quickly relieved, by sharing with them a portion of 
their now scanty supply of food. 

The homeward march was along the trail of the army 
when outward bound, — to the Muskingum. This 
stream was crossed on the 10th, between the two upper 

after the battle are narrated by Dunlevy with clearness and circum- 
spection. These are corroborated by Indian traditions, and the recol- 
lection of Robert A. Sherrard of the conversations of his father, John 
Sherrard. Nevertheless, Rose, in his letter to Irvine, of 13th June, 
says, in speaking of the battle on the afternoon of the 6th: "In less 
than an hour the enemy gave way on all sides, and never after attempted 
to molest us any more on the march." The gallant young aid is evi- 
dently at fault in this. However, he may have thought the desultory 
firing of the enemy after the battle not worthy of mention ; it could 
hardly have escaped his recollection. 
13 Rose to Irvine, June 13, 1782. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 241 

Moravian towns. From this point to the Ohio, 
cc Williamson's Trail " was followed — the troops reach- 
ing Mingo Bottom on the 13th; when, to their great 
joy, they found that several of the missing had ar- 
rived before them — some, indeed, two days previous. 

On the nth, Marshal wrote Irvine from Wash- 
ington county, informing him of the failure of the 
campaign, and inclosing a letter from one of the sol- 
diers who had left the army on the 6th. <c This mo- 
ment," says Marshal, "came to hand the inclosed 
letter, by which you will learn the unhappy fate of our 
little army. What the consequences may be, God only 
knows. I would fondly hope that matters are not 
quite so bad as they are represented." Pentecost, 
whose home was but twenty-five miles from Mingo 
Bottom, also heard, on the same day, of the result of 
the expedition, and made haste to inform himself of 
the true state of affairs. cc I met the men," he wrote 
to the Executive of the State on the 17th, " at Mingo 
Bottom last Wednesday." 11 He also informed Moore 
that the men were much confused when he met them, 
and he could not get as much information as he de- 
sired. " What little I got," adds Pentecost, "was 
from Major Rose, aid-de-camp to General Irvine, who 
went as aid to Colonel Crawford. I hope the general 

11 Pentecost to Moore, June 17, 1782: Penn. Arch., vol. ix, p. 
556. Pentecost gives the wrong day of the week; the army did not 
reach Mingo Bottom until Thursday, June 13th, 



242 Crawford? s Expedition 

will give you a particular account, as he will receive 
it from the major." 

The army recrossed the Ohio river immediately upon 
reaching it, without accident. It was while the troops 
were thus engaged that Rose wrote to Irvine : 12 " Those 
volunteers who marched from here . . . under the 
command of Col. William Crawford, are this moment 
returned, and recrossing the Ohio with Col. William- 
son." — "I am sorry to observe," continues the chiv- 
alric writer, c< they did not meet with that success which 
so spirited an enterprise, and the heroic bravery of the 
greater part deserved." 

Williamson, also, at the same time and place, wrote 
to the commander of the Western Department: ct I 
take this opportunity to make you acquainted with 
our retreat from Sandusky Plains, June 6th. We were 
reduced to the necessity of making a forced march 
through the enemy's lines in the night, much in dis- 
order ; but the main body marched round the Shaw- 
anese camp, and were lucky enough to escape their fire. 
They marched the whole night, and the next morning 
were reinforced by some companies, of which I can 
not give a particular account, as they were so irregular 
and so confused. 

" I must acknowledge myself ever obliged to Major 
Rose for his assistance, both in the field of action and 
in the camp. His character in our camp is estimable, 

12 Dated at Mingo Bottom, June 13, 1782. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 243 

and his bravery can not be outdone. Our country- 
must be ever obliged to General Irvine for his favor 
done on the late expedition. Major Rose will give 
you a particular account of our retreat. I hope your 
honor will do us the favor to call the officers together 
and consider the distress of our brave men in this ex- 
pedition, and the distresses of our country in general. 
Our dependence is entirely upon you; and we are 
ready and willing to obey your commands, when called 
upon. 3 

To this noble and patriotic letter was added an 
ominous postscript : cc Col. Crawford, our command- 
ant, we can give no account of since the night of the 
retreat." Equally startling to Irvine were the last 
words in the letter of Rose: £C Col. Crawford has not 
been heard of since the night of the 5th instant, and I 
fear is among the killed." Inquiries of those who had 
been separated from the main body and afterward came 
up with the enemy, or who had reached the Ohio in 
advance of the principal force, failed to throw any light 
upon the subject, or give the least clue to his probable 
fate. Most of the volunteers, however, were sanguine 
of his safe return. Pentecost, in his letter of the 17th, 
to Moore, says: "There are a good many missing; 
among them Col. Crawford and a number of other 
valuable men ; but, as the scattered parties are coming 
in daily, I have hopes of them." 

13 Williamson to Irvine, June 13, 1782. I have a copy of this letter 
before me, in the handwriting of Irvine. 



244 Crawford's Expedition 

Opposite Mingo Bottom, on the evening of the 13th, 
the troops went into camp for the last time. On the 
14th they were discharged; and the campaign, of only 
twenty days' duration, was ended. — But our narrative 
must be continued, until all the scenes of this wilder- 
ness tragedy — terrible as some of them were — are 
brought fully upon the page of history. 

It will be remembered that Irvine, in his instructions 
to the commander of the expedition, requested to be 
informed, upon the return of that officer, of whatever 
might be the success of the campaign. As Crawford 
was still missing when the army recrossed the Ohio, this 
duty devolved upon Williamson. That the latter ad- 
dressed a letter to the commander at Fort Pitt from 
Mingo Bottom has already been mentioned. It was 
the only official report of the campaign sent in by that 
officer. It was provokingly meager. The duty of giv- 
ing particulars was turned over to Rose, who kindly 
consented to send in an account of the expedition, 14- 
along with Williamson's. These two letters formed the 
basis for Irvine's official account sent to Washington on 
the 1 6th, in which he says: 

"The inclosed letters — one from Col. Williamson,, 
second in command, and the other from Lieut. Rose, 
my aid-de-camp — contain all the particulars of this 
transaction which have yet come to my knowledge. I 
am of opinion had they reached the Plains in seven. 

u Rose to Irvine, June 13, 1782, already frequently cited. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 245 

days (instead of ten), which might have been done, 
especially as they were chiefly mounted, they would 
have succeeded. They should also have pushed the 
advantage evidently gained at the commencement of the 
action. They failed in another point, which they had 
my advice and indeed positive orders for, viz : to 
make the last day's march as long as possible and 
attack the town 15 in the night. But they halted in the 
evening within nine miles, fired their rifles at seven in 
the morning before they marched. 

C{ These people now seem convinced that they can 
not perform as much by themselves as they some time 
since thought they could ; perhaps it is right that they 
should put more dependence on regular troops. I am 
sorry I have not more to afford them assistance." 16 

15 In the original letter on file in the State Department at Washing- 
ton City, this word is plan ; evidently an inadvertency. 

16 The copy of this letter, retained by Irvine, differs somewhat from 
the one sent to the commander-in-chief. " I am of opinion," is the 
reading of the copy, " the cause of their failure was owing to the slow- 
ness of the march and their not pushing the advantage they evidently 
gained at their first commencing the action. They were ten days on 
the march, when it might have been performed in seven, particularly 
as they were chiefly mounted. My advice was to attack the town in 
the night, but instead thereof they halted within ten miles, in the 
evening, and did not take up their line of march until seven in the 
morning." The following sentence in the copy has a line drawn over 
it: "Dr. Knight, mentioned in Mr. Rose's letter, is one of the regi- 
mental surgeons of this garrison, whom I spared to Col. Crawford, 
and is also missing." 



246 Crawford's Expedition 



On the 5th of July, Irvine wrote the Executive of 
Pennsylvania, informing him of the failure of the cam- 
paign, and mentioning several disastrous circumstances 
connected with it which had come to his knowledge. 
Six days after, he sent a second communication to Wash- 
ington concerning the expedition, but confined himself 
wholly to the relation of particular incidents. The 
official correspondence relative to the subject was closed 
by Washington on the 6th of August, in a letter to 
Irvine dated at headquarters, in which he says : " I 
lament the failure of the expedition." 17 

The State of Pennsylvania was not slow in recog- 
nizing the legality of the campaign. The claims for 
losses of those who served in the expedition were ad- 
justed by its officers from time to time and promptly 
paid. Horses, guns, blankets, pack-saddles, bags, and 
many other things, were, when proven to have been 
lost, paid for at a fair valuation. The volunteers who 
furnished their own supplies were compensated for the 
provisions taken with them, as were those who ad- 
vanced them rations. 18 State aid did not stop there. 

17 The original letter is in my possession. A copy is on file in the 
Department of State at Washington. 

18 Extracts from the Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of 
Pennsylvania, relating to the expedition against Sandusky: 

"In Council: 

"Philadelphia, January 7, 1785. 

" The comptroller-general's reports upon the following accounts 

against the State for losses sustained, etc., upon the Indian expedition 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 247 

Under a special law, pensions were granted, based upon 
services rendered upon this and other occasions. Many 

of 1782, under the direction of Colonel William Crawford, were 
read and approved, viz. : 

" Six pounds due to John Crawford (a) ; twelve pounds to James 
Alexander ; four pounds three shillings and two pence to the estate 
of Col. William Crawford ; two pounds nine shillings and five 
pence to Moses Smith ; six pounds four shillings and five pence to 
Noble Graham; six pounds to Samuel Dualls ; thirteen pounds to 
John Dean ; seven shillings and six pence to Samuel Cane ; seven 
pounds to Richard Clark; thirty-eight pounds ten shillings to the 
estate of William Crawford ; twenty-four pounds ten shillings and 
three pence to Zachariah Connell ; seven pounds to Reuben Kemp; 
twelve shillings to Edward Hall ; fifty pounds two shillings and six 
pence to the estate of Colonel William Hall ; fourteen pounds to 
Michael Frank ; fifteen pounds to Louis Heming ; eleven pounds to 
Jeremiah Gard ; eighteen pounds ten shillings to Colonel Thomas 
Gaddis (<£) ; and sixteen pounds to Joseph Barker. " 

"January 10, 1785. Eighteen pounds to Dr. John Knight (7) ; 
thirty-three pounds fifteen shillings to James Paull (V) ; thirteen 
pounds to James Woods; eight pounds ten shillings to Jacob Van- 
kirk; thirty pounds to James Nicholl ; fourteen pounds to James 
McCoy, two pounds seven shillings and six pence to Peter Pat- 
rick (j) ; four pounds nineteen shillings and six pence to Joseph 
Parish; fifteen pounds to Audley Rhea and Zachariah Brashears ; six- 

(d) Colonel Crawford's son. [Names in italics are those known to have been resi- 
dents, at that time, of that part of Westmoreland county which is now Fayette.] 

(£) Third major in the expedition. 
(c) The surgeon of the expedition. 
(</) See Chapter XVII. 

(e) For information concerning this man, the reader is referred to The American 
Pioneer, vol. I, p. 57. 



248 Crawford's Expedition 

also died pensioners to the general government for 
duties performed in campaigns, of which this was one. 

teen pounds to Jacob South ; ten pounds to Jacob Swartz ; eight 
pounds to William Ross ; thirty-six pounds to the estate of William 
Crawford ; eleven pounds to John Hardin, Jr. {/) ; five pounds 
sixteen shillings and threepence to John Lucas; eight pounds seven 
shillings and six pence to the estate of John McClelland (g) ; five pounds 
to Alexander McDonald ; two pounds ten shillings to Thomat Kendall; 
four pounds ten shillings to Robert Jackson; fifteen pounds to Will- 
iam Case ; fifteen pounds to Aaron Rollins ; eleven pounds to Lewis 
Duvall ; three pounds eight shillings to Charles Burdin ; fourteen pounds 
to Charles Hickman; six pounds ten shillings to Dennis Stevens." 

"March 2, 1785. Accounts approved of Craig Ritchie (b) and 
Andrew Munro (J) for horses lost on the Sandusky expedition. 

" Of the aforesaid Captain Craig Ritchie for rations due from the 
20th of May to the 20th day of June, 1782. 

" Of John Smi/ie, for a horse and rifle lost on the Sandusky expedi- 
tion." (;) 

'^August 30, 1785. The comptroller-general's report upon the 

(/") Father and son — branches of the celebrated Hardin family of Kentucky, 
of which there were officers in the war of the Revolution, of 18 12, and with 
Mexico. 

(g) Fourth major of the expedition. 

(A) A sketch of Mr. Ritchie has already been given, page 135. 

(/) Postmaster at Canonsburgh for many years prior to 1830. 

(j) John Smilie was not in the expedition, but his son Robert is believed to have 
been one of the volunteers. They were near neighbors of Colonel Crawford. The 
father was a prominent man in Revolutionary movements, in Lancaster county, Pa. 
After moving to that part of Westmoreland, now Fayette, he became a member of the 
legislature, also of the Supreme Executive Council. He was a member of Congress 
for several years, and died in office in December, 1812. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 249 

Concerning the causes which produced the failure of 
the expedition against Sandusky, — it may be said there 

accounts of William Shearer, of the county of Washington, for a 
horse lost on the Sandusky expedition, was read and approved." 

"September 15, 1785. Upon the account of James Scott for a 
horse, blanket, etc., lost on the Sandusky expedition. " 

"September 21, 1785. Of Peter Peterson for rations due on the 
Sandusky expedition. 

" Of Henry Taylor, for thirty days rations furnished John Blean 
upon the aforesaid expedition. 

" Note. — All the (3) persons above named are inhabitants of 
Washington county." 

"October 19, 1785. Of Robert Miller, of Fayette county, for a 
horse lost on the Sandusky expedition. 

" Of John Crawford, of Fayette county, for a horse lost on the San- 
dusky expedition." 

"December 31, 1785. Of Richard Graham, for a horse lost on 
the Sandusky expedition." 

"April 19, 1786. Of Hugh Sprouls, of the county of Washing- 
ton, for a horse lost on the Sandusky expedition. 

" Of Joseph Brown, of said county, for rations furnished to the 
militia employed on the said expedition. 

tl Of Thomas Brown, of said county, for rations furnished as afore- 
said." 

"March 30, 1789. For nine pounds, amount of John Custard's 
account for a horse lost on the Sandusky expedition under Colonel 
Crawford in 1782. 

" For seven pounds, amount of Richard Hale's account for a gun 
taken into actual service, and lost in 1782, in the expedition under 
Colonel Crawford." 

"December 8 ; 1789. Of George Tompoh, for his provisions 
while employed as a militia-man on the frontiers of Washington 



250 Crawford 's Expedition 

was a concatenation of circumstances contributing to 
■ the disaster. The expeditions of Brodhead and Will- 
iamson to the Muskingum, produced more than usual 
watchfulness of the border by the enemy. This led to 

county, and for a blanket, a pack-saddle, and two bags lost on the 
(said) expedition under Colonel Crawford, in 1782, amounting to two 
pounds seven shillings and six pence. 

" Of John Hill, for a saddle, blanket, two bags and a wallet, or 
knapsack, lost on the said expedition, amounting to four pounds two 
shillings and six pence. 

"Of Robert Taylor, for thirty days' provisions due him while em- 
ployed on said expedition, amounting to one pound two and six pence. 

" Of Richard Hopkins, for a horse lost on the said expedition, 
amounting to four pounds. 

" Of John Turvey, for thirty days' provisions, due to him while 
employed on said expedition, amounting to one pound, two shillings 
and six pence." 

" December 1 7, 1 789. Of Robert Walker, Jr., of Washington county, 
for provisions furnished by him for the Sandusky expedition, under 
Colonel Crawford, in the year 1782, amounting to one pound two 
shillings and six pence." 

"February 18, 1790. Of Alexander Lashley, for a horse which 
was taken into public service and lost on the Sandusky expedition 
against the Indians under Colonel Crawford, in the year 1782, valued 
at twelve pounds, and allowed." 

"August 28, 1790. Of Moses Cook, for a horse which was lost 
on the Sandusky expedition against Indians, in the year 1782, amount- 
ing to fifteen pounds." 

"September 6, 1790. Of the estate of James Guffee, for ahorse 
which was lost on the Sandusky expedition against the Indians, in 
1782, amounting to fourteen pounds." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 251 

an early knowledge of the movement; whereby the 
savages were enabled to make preparations to meet the 
invaders of their territory. And to this is chargeable, 
to a great extent, the calamitous result of the enter- 
prise. The strictures of Irvine, as given in his official 
account of the campaign to the commander-in-chief, 
were, as viewed from his stand-point, undoubtedly just. 
It seems that he supposed the Wyandot town was only 
deserted just before the arrival of the army. The 
opinions of the rank and file were, as hereafter men- 
tioned, that inexperience on the part of the officers 
contributed greatly to the failure of the expedition; 
nevertheless, if this was the approximate cause of the 
failure, the remote ones were as we have stated. 
But great praise must be awarded the patriotic volun- 
teers, who so bravely imperiled their lives, notwith- 
standing the enterprise did not prove successful. Dur- 
ing the twenty days of the campaign, each one, with a 
single exception, was a day of marching. Two battles 
were fought in the meantime, and two victories won. 
The extrication of the army from the toils woven 
around it by a foe so much superior in numbers, may 
be considered remarkable. 19 

19 The summing up of Doddridge of the results of the campaign is, 
to a great extent, unwarrantable and particularly unjust to the memory 
of those engaged in the expedition on the American side. His reflec- 
tions, of course, are warped by the belief that one of the objects of 
the march into the wilderness was the destruction of the remnant of 



252 Crawford's Expedition 

Note. — Francis Dunlevy, whose declaration for a pension and 
MS. notes of the campaign, have been consulted in the preparation of 
this and other chapters of this work, was born near Winchester, Vir- 
ginia, December 31, 1761. His father, Anthony Dunlevy, came from 
Ireland about the year 1745, and afterward married Hannah White, 
sister to Judge Alexander White, of Virginia. Of this marriage 
there were four sons and four daughters. Francis was the eldest of the 
sons. About the year 1772 the family removed from Winchester to 

the Christian Indians. " Thus ended," says the writer (Notes, 278, 
279), " this disastrous campaign. It was the last one which took 
place in this section of the country, during the Revolutionary contest 
of the Americans with the mother country. It was undertaken with 
the very worst of views — those of murder and plunder. It was con- 
ducted without sufficient means to encounter, with any prospect of 
success, the large force of Indians opposed to ours in the plains of 
Sandusky. It was conducted without that subordination and discipline 
so requisite to insure success in any hazardous enterprise, and it ended 
in a total discomfiture. Never did an enterprise more completely fail 
of attaining its object. Never, on any occasion, had the ferocious 
savages more ample revenge for the murder of their pacific friends, than 
that which they obtained on this occasion. 

"Should it be asked what considerations led so great a number of 
people into this desperate enterprise? Why, with so small a force 
and such slender means, they pushed on so far as the plains of San- 
dusky ? 

" The answer is, that many believed that the Moravian Indians, 
taking no part in the war, and having given offense to the warriors on 
several occasions, their belligerent friends would not take up arms in 
their behalf. In this conjecture they were sadly mistaken. They did 
defend them with all the force at their command, and no wonder; for 
notwithstanding their Christian and pacific principles, the warriors still 
regarded the Moravians as their relations, whom it was their duty to 
defend." 



Against Sanausky, 1782. 253 

what was supposed to be Western Virginia, on the west of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains, and settled near Catfish (Washington), in what is 
now Washington county, Pennsylvania. 

In this frontier settlement, when the Revolutionary war broke out, 
there was great exposure, as we have already seen, to Indian depreda- 
tions. The men of the new settlements were constantly called upon 
to serve in longer or shorter tours of militia duty, which were con- 
sidered essential to the safety of the frontiers. 

Dunlevy volunteered as a private, on the 1st of October, 1776, 
under Captain Isaac Cox ; his lieutenant was David Steele. His com- 
pany encamped in the woods, at Holliday's Cove, on the Ohio river, 
opposite a large island, in what is now Brooke county, West Virginia, 
now known as Brown's Island, above Steubenville, Ohio, but below the 
mouth of Yellow creek. Here the company erected a chain of log 
cabins — blockhouses — and scouted, in pairs, up and down the river, 
for the distance of twelve miles. This fort, or station, was on the 
line of defense from Fort P.itt to Grave creek ; — erected as a protec- 
tion to the border against the Indians. Dunlevy afterward remem- 
bered that he frequently saw at this post, Col. John Gibson, of the 
Thirteenth Virginia regiment, who supervised the several stations upon 
the river. His tour of duty expired on the 20th of December, and 
he was then discharged. During the latter part of the service of this 
tour, he, with others, was detached and sent down the river about 
twelve miles, where Decker's Fort was erected, and where a small set- 
tlement was protected while the inhabitants gathered their corn. 

In July, 1777, Dunlevy served fourteen days in the militia, at 
Fort Pitt, as a substitute for his father, Anthony Dunlevy, who had 
been drafted for a month and had served the first half of it. Gen- 
eral Hand had just arrived at the post, unaccompanied by any troops. 
Notwithstanding Dunlevy was a militia-man, he did duty in garrison 
under officers belonging to the regular army. Captain Harry Heath 
had command of the post upon the arrival of Hand, Colonel John 
Gibson and some of his regiment — Thirteenth Virginia-— were in the 



254 Crawford! s Expedition 

garrison a short time. Captains Scott, Bell, and Steele, well known 
about Pittsburg before, during, and after the Revolutionary war, were 
in Fort Pitt at this time. Simon Girty was also present, then a sub- 
altern. He seemed wholly taken up in intercourse with the Indians, 
a great number of whom were in and around the fort. 

Dunlevy volunteered about the ist of March, 1778, for one month's 
service. The rendezvous was at Cox's Station, on Peters' creek. Colonels 
Isaac Cox and John Canon attended to organizing the men ; but in 
eight days the militia relinquished their arms to some recruits for the 
regular army, who relieved them, and they returned home to attend to 
putting in their crops. 

On the 15th of August, 1778, Dunlevy was again drafted for one 
month ; the place of meeting was Pittsburg. He served this tour 
under Lieut. John Springer, the troops being attached to the command 
of Captain Ferrol, lately from the seaboard, who had a company de- 
tached from the Thirteenth Virginia regiment. This bocfy of men 
ranged the woods, visiting the stations on the frontier line between 
Pittsburg and Wheeling, and finally relieving a company of militia 
from Hampshire county, Virginia, at the latter place, commanded by 
Capt. Daniel Cressap, brother of the celebrated Mike Cressap. Dun- 
levy was discharged at Pittsburg at the end of the month's service. 

About the 5th of October he again entered the service. He went 
this time as a substitute for Andrew Flood, joining the company of 
Capt. John Crow. His battalion commander was Col. Hugh Stephen- 
son ; regimental commander, Col. William Crawford. The army was 
then under the command of Brigadier-General Lachlin Mcintosh. 
Dunlevy afterward remembered that Col. Evans was commander of one 
of the militia regiments, and that there were also present Col. John 
Gibson, of the Thirteenth Virginia, and Daniel Brodhead, colonel of the 
Eighth Pennsylvania regiment. It was this army that built Fort 
Mcintosh at mouth of Beaver. The army marched into the wilder- 
ness on the 5th of November, crossing the forks of the Muskingum, 
and building Fort Laurens on the west bank of that river. He after- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 255 

ward returned to Fort Mcintosh, and was discharged on the 20th of 
December. 

Dunlevy was again drafted on the 25th of August, 1779 ; the rendez- 
vous, Fort Pitt. He was in camp three days at the " King's Orchard," 
on the Allegheny river. He then marched up that stream under Col. 
Brodhead as chief officer, Col. Gibson next in command. His cap- 
tain was one Ellis. In this army were Lieutenants John Hardin, of 
the Thirteenth Virginia, and Samuel Brady, of the Eighth Pennsyl- 
vania, — both afterward famous in Indian warfare. John Monteur, a 
half-blood (son of Andrew Monteur, a Frenchman), a man of informa- 
tion and education, but a great savage, accompanied the expedition, 
which consisted of about seven hundred whites, including some light- 
horse, and about sixty Indians. 

Proceeding up the east bank of the Allegheny, they crossed the 
Kiskiminitas at its mouth, and Crooked creek, and came to Kittanning, 
where there was a garrison. The army lay severaldays at an old Indian 
town on the river, about twelve miles above the Kittanning. They 
then marched up the river and crossed about fifteen miles below the 
mouth of French creek. They then crossed the latter stream and 
moved toward the Monsey towns, meeting and defeating a small body 
of Indians — some thirty or forty in number. Four or five of the 
Americans were wounded; among them Jonathan Zane, who was act- 
ing as pilot to the expedition. The Monsey villages were deserted. 

The army lay in the abandoned towns nearly a week, destroying 
several hundred acres of growing corn on the banks of the river. On 
their return, a young man named John Ward was badly injured by a 
horse falling on a rock in a creek. This accident occurred in what is 
now Butler county, Pennsylvania, where there is a township and post- 
office, called " Slipping Rock." Dunlevy was discharged September 
29th. 

In the spring of 1782, Dunlevy was a student in Rev. Thaddeus 
Dod's Latin and Mathematical "Log-cabin" School on Ten-mile, in 
Washington county, near Amity. He was then considered " a young 



256 Crawford 's Expedition 

man of superior talent and of amiable disposition." He did not re- 
main long in this school, for, in April of that year, he again volunteered 
against hostile Indians, under a call from James Marshal, lieutenant of 
his county. The men rendezvoused at Decker's Station, or fort, on the 
east bank of the Ohio, one mile above Cross creek. After a few days 
the men were dismissed, — a sufficient number to have undertaken any 
important movement, not having assembled. He was absent from 
home only ten days. 

No sooner was the expedition against Sandusky announced than 
Dunlevy once more shouldered his rifle. By the 1 5th of May he had 
returned to Decker's Station. He soon after crossed the Ohio to 
Mingo Bottom ; and, upon the organization of the army, was made 
lieutenant in Capt. Craig Ritchie's company. 

After the return of Dunlevy from the Sandusky campaign, and as 
soon as the peace of the country permitted, he was sent to Dickinson 
College. He was afterward a student of divinity, under Rev. James 
Hoge, of Winchester, Virginia, and finally taught a classical school in 
that State — having several pupils who subsequently were distinguished 
for their talents and learning. About the year 1790, he moved with 
his father's family to Washington, Kentucky, or to that neighborhood. 
In 1792 he came to Columbia, near Cincinnati, where he opened a 
classical school, in connection with the late John Reily, of Butler 
county, Ohio. This school was continued for several years. lie 
afterward removed to Lebanon, Warren county. 

Dunlevy was twice a member of the legislature of the Northwestern 
Territory ; afterward elected to the convention which formed the 
first Constitution of Ohio. He was a member of the first State Leg- 
islature, and was subsequently chosen President Judge of the Court 
of Common Pleas of the first circuit, which office he held fourteen 
years. After this he practiced law ten years, retiring from business, 
however, some time previous to his death, which occurred November 
6, 1839. ^ n man y respects he was a remarkable man. His memory 
was astonishing. He read and wrote the Latin language with ease. I 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 257 

am informed by the Commissioner of Pensions that his declaration for 
a pension is one of the completest on file in the Pension Office. It 
contains the only positive account of the incidents occurring im- 
mediately after the battle of Olentangy that has come under my 
notice. All others are traditionary, but corroborative, however, of his 
statement. 



258 Crawford's Expedition 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ALARM OF THE BORDER-DETERMINED SPIRIT OF THE BORDERMEN. 

GREAT was the alarm upon the frontiers, when it be- 
came known that the expedition against Sandusky 
had proved a failure, and that the discomfited army was 
nearing the Ohio. Stragglers who had reached the settle- 
ments in advance of the main body, gave greatly exagger- 
ated accounts of the disaster. It was currently reported 
and generally believed, that the volunteers were being 
pursued even to the river. Marshal, with his usual 
energy and promptness, hastened to make preparations 
to succor the returning army. The general fear of an 
immediate invasion by the emboldened savages caused 
a wide-spread panic among the settlers, who flew with 
their families to the numerous forts for protection. 

i( I shall be as expeditious as possible," are the words 
of Marshal, in his letter of the nth, to Irvine, "in 
raising a party of men to secure the retreat across the 
river, should the pursuit be continued so far." But 
the ever-watchful lieutenant of Washington county soon 
learned that no help was needed — that the army had not 
been pursued but a short distance beyond the Sandusky 
Plains. But that officer, with other prominent citizens, 
hastened to Mingo Bottom to learn the extent of the 
disaster. All were soon convinced that the loss had 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 259 

been overstated — that the calamity was by no means 
as overwhelming as reported. 

It was not positively known, at the date of the 
recrossing of the Ohio by the Americans, that more than 
ten officers and men had been killed. " Our loss," said 
Rose in his letter to Irvine, cc will not exceed thirty men, 
at a moderate computation, in killed and wounded." 1 
But there were still a number missing. 2 "There are 
about twenty wounded (few dangerously), and about half 
that number killed," is the testimony of Pentecost 
also. 3 There were arrivals in the settlements, of the 
missing, as late as the 10th of the following month. 
Adding to the number of those whose deaths were re- 
ported at the time of the return of the expedition, such 
as died of their wounds, with those afterward known to 
have suffered death in the wilderness, together with a 
few whose fate was never known, and the result is a 
total loss of less than seventy. 4 

1 Rose to Irvine, 13th June, 1782. 

2 "In the very neighborhood where I was then living, about two 
miles from Catfish (Washington), John Campbell, William Nimmons, 
William Huston, and William Johnson never returned, though their 
individual fate was, I believe, never revealed." — Wm. Darby to W. 
De Hass, March 30, 1850. {Hist. Ind. Wars W. Va., p. 328.) 

3 Pentecost to Moore, 17th June, 1782. "General Lincoln sent in- 
formation of the failure of the expedition against Sandusky, and the 
loss of about thirty men, killed and wounded, and the return of the 
remainder." — Extract from the Minutes of the Supreme Executive 
Council, Philadelphia, Monday, July 1, 1782. 

4 A communication from Fort Pitt, in the Pennsylvania Journal and 



260 Crawford 's Expedition 



The unremitting exertions of Williamson in caring 
for the wounded have been referred to. Their great 
want, upon their arrival at Mingo Bottom, was medical 
attendance. cc Several of them," wrote Rose to Irvine, 
"are'in a dangerous condition, and want immediate as- 
sistance, of which they have been deprived since the 
loss of Dr. Knight." 5 Of those able to ride on horse- 
back all soon reached their homes. Such as could not 
be moved except upon litters, were taken to the nearest 
settlements by their comrades, and tenderly cared for by 
sympathizing settlers. 

The return of the visitors to their homes from 
Mingo Bottom tended somewhat to allay the excite- 
ment upon the frontiers. It was, nevertheless, plainly 
evident that the result of the expedition would be an 
increased boldness of the savages in depredating upon 
the border. The inquiry now was, how shall it be met ? 
All eyes were naturally turned upon the commander of 
the Western Department for an. answer. Now, more 
than ever, would a defensive policy be futile against the 

Weekly Advertiser, of July 6th (after which only one more volunteer 
returned), estimates the missing at "from fifty to seventy." The 
reader will fully appreciate the absurdity of the following summary 
disposal of the expedition: "Soon after the disappointment which the 
murderers [the Americans] met with at Sandusky, they were attacked 
by a party of English and Indian warriors, and the greater part of 
them were cut to pieces." — LoskiePs Hist. Miss., P. iii, p. 189. 
5 Letter of 13th June, 1782. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 261 

stealthy inroads of the exultant foe. Clearly then, to 
the minds of the frontiersmen, they must continue to 
act on the offensive. Another expedition was, there- 
fore suggested ; this time to be commanded by Irvine 
in person. 

"The unfortunate miscarriage of the late expedi- 
tion," wrote Captains Robert Beall and Thomas Moore, 
of the Westmoreland county militia, from near Stew- 
art's Crossings, to Irvine, on the 23d of June, " the 
common interest of our country, and the loss of our 
friends, induce us to be thus forward in proposing an- 
other." "We do not wish to be understood/' add the 
writers, "as giving our own private sentiments, but of 
those of the people generally in our quarter ; for which 
purpose we are authorized to address you, and from ac- 
counts well authenticated, we assure you it is the wish 
of the people on this side the Monongahela river, with- 
out a dissenting voice." 

The reply of Irvine was encouraging: "Inclination, 
as well as duty, is a continual spur to me, not only to 
acquiesce in, but to encourage every measure adopted 
for the public good. Your proposals, on this occasion, 
are so truly patriotic and spirited, that I should look 
on myself unpardonable were I to pass them unno- 
ticed." On the same day, June 26th, Irvine wrote to 
Colonel Cook, lieutenant of Westmoreland county: 
" Your people seem so much in earnest, that I am led to 
think, if other parts of the country are so spirited and 



262 Crawford' 's Expedition 

patriotic, something may probably be done; but, as it 
will take some time to come to a proper knowledge 
of this matter, and that must be accurately done, there 
can be no harm in making the experiment." " I have 
no intimation," continues the writer, "of any plan be- 
ing on foot in Washington county for this purpose, 
though it is said the people wish another expedition." 

Irvine was informed by letter from John Evans, 
lieutenant of Monongalia county, on the 30th of June, 
that the Indians were frequently in the settlements of his 
county. c< Without your assistance," says that officer, 
" I much fear our settlements will break. The defeat 
of Colonel Crawford occasions much dread." 

£c The disaster," wrote the commander at Fort Pitt, 
to Lincoln, Secretary of War, on the 1st of July, "has 
not abated the ardor, or desire for revenge (as they term 
it), of these people. A number of the most respect- 
able are urging me strenuously to take command of 
them, and add as many Continental officers and soldiers 
as can be spared ; particularly officers, as they attribute 
the defeat to the want of experience in their officers. 
They can not, nor will not, rest under any plan on the 
defensive, however well executed; and think their only 
safety depends on the total destruction of all the In- 
dian settlements within two hundred miles: this, it is 
true, they are taught by dear-bought experience. 

" They propose to raise, by subscription, six or seven 
hundred men — provision for them for forty days, and 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 16 3 

horses to carry it, clear of expense to the public, unless 
government, at its own time, shall think proper to 
reimburse them. The 1st of August they talk of as- 
sembling, if I think proper to encourage them. I am, 
by no means, fond of such commands, nor am I san- 
guine in my expectations ; but rather doubtful of the 
consequences ; — and yet absolutely to refuse having 
anything to do with them, when their proposals are so 
generous and seemingly spirited, I conceive would not 
do well either; especially as people too generally, par- 
ticularly in this quarter, are subject to be clamorous, 
and charge Continental officers with want of zeal, ac- 
tivity, and inclination of doing the needful for their 
protection. 

" I have declined giving them an immediate, direct 
answer, and have informed them that my going depends 
oft circumstances ; and, in the meantime, I have called 
for returns of the men who may be depended on to 
go, the subscriptions of provisions and horses. The 
distance to headquarters is so great that it is uncertain 
whether an express could return in time with the com- 
mander-in-chief's instructions. As you must know 
whether any movements will take place in this quar- 
ter ; — or if you are of the opinion it would, on any 
account, be improper for me to leave the post, I re- 
quest you would please to write me by express. But, 
if no answer arrives before, or about the 1st of August, 
I shall take for granted you have no objections, and 
that I may act discretionally. 



264 Crawford 's Expedition 

"Should it be judged expedient for me to go, the 
greatest number of troops fit to march will not exceed 
one hundred. The militia are pressing that I shall 
take all the Continentals along and leave the defense of 
the fort to them ; but this I shall by no means do. If 
circumstances should seem to require it, I shall throw 
in a few militia with those regulars left, — but under 
Continental officers." 

Irvine wrote to Washington on the same day relative 
to this proposed second expedition against Sandusky : 
" I would not presume to go on any account without 
your excellency's express orders, or, at least, permis- 
sion, did I not conceive that, before the day appointed 
for rendezvousing, I will receive information if any 
movements are intended this way this campaign ; as, by 
that time, it will be full late enough to undertake any- 
thing more than on a small partisan way." 

" By the best information I can obtain," continues 
Irvine, cc we may lay out our accounts to have to fight 
the Shawanese, Delawares, Wyandots, Mingoes, and 
Monseys, — in all, about five hundred. They are all 
settled in a line from Lower Sandusky, near Lake 
Erie, to the heads of Miami; not more than seventy- 
five miles from the two extremes : Upper Sandusky lies 
near the center. If all these could be beat at once, it 
would certainly nearly, if not entirely, put an end to the 
Indian war in this quarter." 

The frontiersmen had the best of reasons for antici- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 265 

paring a visitation in force from the allied savages, 
now that the expedition against Sandusky had proven 
so signal a failure. Already they were upon the Ohio, 
and the most active exertions of Marshal were neces- 
sary to watch their movements and prevent their depre- 
dating into the exposed settlements. Their principal 
force was at Mingo Bottom ; smaller parties were in the 
vicinity. Irvine was informed of their movements, on 
the 2d of July, by a letter from Marshal. fC Colonel 
Williamson has marched to Coxe's fort," continued the 
writer, <c about four miles below the Mingo Bottom, at 
which place I have directed him to stay until further 
orders. Colonel Crook is gone to Wheeling. I have 
also directed him that if he apprehend no danger in 
leaving that post for a few days, to form a junction 
with Colonel Williamson. To-morrow I intend march- 
ing whatever men may rendezvous in this quarter, 
to Richard Wells' fort, which is within five miles of 
Mingo Bottom ; at which place I intend to stay, if 
circumstances will admit, until I hear from you; and I 
shall expect, if you think it necessary, that a number of 
your troops will march to our assistance as soon as 
possible." 

On the 4th of July another letter, dated at Catfish, 
by Marshal, informed the commander of the Western 
Department of repeated applications by the inhabitants 
on the south line of the county — from Jackson's fort 
to Buffalo creek — for assistance. fC The people de- 



166 Crawford 's Expedition 



clare," is the emphatic assurance of the lieutenant of 
Washington county, cc they must abandon their habita- 
tions unless a few men are sent to them during harvest. 
They also declare their willingness to submit to, and 
supply the men on the faith of, the government." 

It will be premised that the commander at Fort Pitt 
availed himself of whatever information was obtainable 
from the returned volunteers, not only as to the par- 
ticulars of the campaign itself, but also concerning the 
intentions of the enemy in the future. One only, of all 
who escaped the disasters of the expedition, was com- 
petent to throw much light on the plans of the savages. 
This one was John Slover, whose captivity and remark- 
able escape will hereafter be narrated. He spoke the 
language of the Miamis, the Shawanese, and the Dela- 
wares with fluency ; and, while detained in the wilder- 
ness, heard their deliberations and the measures they 
concerted in their councils. In their meetings he un- 
derstood what was said, perfectly. All their designs, 
after his arrival, he did not fail to make known to 
Irvine; but the latter, not knowing how much confi- 
dence to repose in the narrator, interrogated Marshal 
on the i 8th of July by letter, concerning him. 

The response of Marshal was not calculated to in- 
crease the faith of Irvine: cc I am not surprised," he 
wrote, " at the account you have received from Slover. 
The intelligence he gave me was bad, but nothing equal 
to what he has reported to you. He told me that the 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 267 

Indians expected we would carry another expedition 
against them this summer, and that, at their council, 
they had determined upon two expeditions, one of which 
was designed against Wheeling; the other they were not 
fully determined whether this country or Kentucky 
should be the object ; that, in the meantime, they would 
keep out spies on our frontier, in order to watch our 
motion, and take a prisoner to know our determina- 
tion/' 

"He did not mention a word to me," continues 
Marshal, "either of their number or of bringing artil- 
lery. He said the Indians informed him that the night 
our people left the field at Sandusky, there were some 
British troops from Detroit within a few miles of them 
(I think six) ; that they had two field-pieces and one 
mortar. This, I think, is mostly what he told me on his 
arrival. With regard to his character, I am altogether 
unacquainted ; but I think there is reason to suspect 
his veracity. I could wish he might be checked, for the 
reports in the country have a most evil tendency." But 
the testimony of other volunteers corroborated many 
of Slover's assertions ; and subsequent events con- 
firmed the public in its opinion of his truthfulness. 

General Irvine, on the 11th of July, informed 
Washington by letter from Fort Pitt, that the solicita- 
tions of the people for making another excursion 
against Sandusky were increasing daily, and that they 
were actually beginning to prepare for it, The reply 



268 Crawford's Expedition 

of Washington was dated at headquarters on the 6th of 
August : iC I have not given you my ideas on this ex- 
pedition," says the commander-in-chief, £C as the plan, 
if adopted, must have begun its execution before my 
letter would have reached you. If attempted, I can only 
give you my good wishes for its success." A let- 
ter from Lincoln, Secretary of War, was of like tenor : 
" It is impossible for me at this distance," says that 
officer, "and with my present information, to judge of 
the propriety of your proceeding or not. Your own 
judgment must determine you, when all circumstances 
are combined. If you should succeed, 6 it will be a 
pretty stroke indeed." cc I have only to add," con- 
tinues the writer, "if your movements are such as can 
be justified on military principles (I presume you 
would not attempt a movement upon any other, how- 
ever strongly urged by those who wish the expedition 
to go forward at every hazard), whether you succeed 
or not, you will be justified by all good men." 

The frontiers were harassed during the summer 
months by frequent inroads of the enemy. On the 
nth of July, three sons of Mr. Chambers, of West- 
moreland county, were tomahawked and scalped ; and 
on Saturday afternoon, the 13th of the month, Han- 
na's-town, the county-town of that county, was burned 
by a large party of Indians, and a number of the in- 

6 The word is proceed, in the original — doubtless an inadvertency. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 269 

habitants killed and captured. 7 This place was about 
thirty-five miles in the rear of Fort Pitt, on the main 
road leading to Philadelphia. cc The express," wrote 
Irvine to Moore, on the 16th, "sent by Mr. Hoof- 
nagle, through timidity and other misconduct, did not 
arrive here till this moment (Tuesday, 10 o'clock), 
though he left Hanna's-town Sunday evening; which 
I fear will put it out of my power to come up with the 
enemy, they will have got so far away. However, I 
have sent several reconnoitering parties to try to dis- 
cover whether they have left the settlements, and what 
route they have taken." 

The people were greatly alarmed. iC I fear," con- 
tinued Irvine in his letter to Moore, <c this stroke will 
intimidate the inhabitants so much that it will not be 
possible to rally them or persuade them to make a 
stand. Nothing in my power shall be left undone to 
countenance and encourage them." 

About the 15th of July, a party of seven Wyandots 
made an incursion into one of the settlements, some 
distance below Fort Pitt, and several miles from the 
Ohio river. Here, finding an old man alone in a 
cabin, they killed him, packed up what "plunder" 
they could find, and commenced their retreat. 

The news of the visit of the Indians soon spread 
through the neighborhood, and a party of eight good 

7 Fort Pitt correspondence of the Penn. Packet, printed July 27, 
1782. 



270 Crawford's Expedition 

riflemen was collected in a few hours for the purpose 
of pursuit. Among those assembled were two brothers 
— Andrew and Adam Poe. These were both famous 
for courage, size, and activity. 

The party commenced the pursuit of the Indians 
with a determination, if possible, not to suffer them to 
escape, as they usually did on such occasions, by mak- 
ing a speedy flight to the river, crossing it, and then 
dividing into small parties, to meet at a distant point, 
in a given time. The pursuit was continued the greater 
part of the night. In the morning, the borderers found 
themselves on the trail of the savages, which led to the 
Ohio. When they had arrived within a little distance 
of the river, at a point in what is now Hancock county, 
West Virginia, about two miles below the mouth of 
Yellow creek, a western confluent of the Ohio, Andrew 
Poe, fearing an ambuscade, left the party who followed 
directly on the trail, to creep along the bank of the 
stream, under cover of the weeds and bushes, to fall on 
the rear of the Indians, should he find them lying in 
wait. 

He had not gone far before he saw some Indian rafts 
at the water's edge. Not seeing any savages, he 
stepped softly down the bank with his rifle cocked. 
When about half way down, he discovered two Indians 
— one very large, the other small. Both were stand- 
ing with their guns cocked, and looking in the direc- 
tion of the party which was approaching by the trail, 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 271 

and was some distance down the bottom. Poe took aim 
at the big Indian, but his rifle missed fire. The two 
hearing the snap of the gun, instantly turned round 
and discovered their foe, who, being too near to retreat, 
dropped his weapon and sprang from the bank upon 
the savages. He seized the larger one with a pow- 
erful grip, at the same time embracing the neck 
of the smaller one, and threw them both upon the 
ground — all three falling together, but Poe uppermost. 

The small Indian soon extricated himself, ran to the 
raft, got a tomahawk to dispatch Poe, while the big In- 
dian held the latter with all his might, the better to 
enable his companion to effect his purpose. Poe, how- 
ever, watched the motions of the Indian so well, that 
when in the act of aiming a blow at his head, by a vig- 
orous and well-directed kick, he staggered the savage, 
and knocked the tomahawk out of his hand. This 
failure on the part of the smaller Indian was reproved 
by the larger one with an exclamation of contempt. 

In a moment the Indian caught up his tomahawk, 
approached more cautiously, brandishing it, and mak- 
ing a number of feigned blows, in defiance and deris- 
ion. Poe, however, still on his guard, averted the 
real blow from his head, by throwing up his arm, and 
receiving it on his wrist. He was severely wounded, 
but still able to use his hand. In this perilous mo- 
ment, by a violent effort, he broke loose from the big 
Indian, snatched up one of the guns of the savages, 



272 Crawford 1 s Expedition 

and shot his assailant through the breast as he ran up 
the third time to tomahawk him. 

Meanwhile the prostrate Indian got upon his feet, 
and now, seizing Poe by the shoulder and leg, threw 
him, in turn, upon the ground ; but the latter instantly 
regained his standing; when the savage again grasped 
him, and another struggle ensued ; which, owing to 
the slippery state of the bank, ended in both being 
precipitated into the river. Each now endeavored to 
drown the other. Their efforts were continued for some 
time, with alternate success — first one being under the 
water, then the other. Poe, at length, seized his an- 
tagonist by the tuft of hair on the scalp, and held his 
head down until he supposed him drowned. 

Relaxing his hold too soon, Poe found his gigantic 
foe ready instantly for another combat. Again they 
grasped each other; but, in the contest, they were car- 
ried into the water beyond their depth. This com- 
pelled each to loose his hold and swim for life. Each 
sought the shore, to seize a gun, and end the strife. 
The Indian proved the best swimmer and reached the 
land first. Poe, seeing this, immediately turned back 
into the water to escape being shot, if possible, by div- 
ing. Fortunately, the savage caught up the rifle with 
which Poe had killed the other warrior ! 

At this juncture, Adam Poe, missing his brother 
from the party, and supposing from the report of the 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 273 

gun, that he was either killed or engaged in conflict 
with the Indians, hastened to the spot. On seeing 
him, Andrew called out to him from the water to "kill 
the big Indian." But Adam's gun, like that of the 
Indian's, was empty. The contest was now a question 
of time only — as to which would load first. The sav- 
age, in using his ramrod, was not as quick as his an- 
tagonist. This gave Adam the advantage; and, just 
as the Indian was raising his gun, he shot, mortally 
wounding him. 

Adam now jumped into the river to assist his 
wounded brother to the shore ; but Andrew, thinking 
more of the honor of carrying home the scalp of the 
big Indian as a trophy of victory, than of his own 
safety, urged him to go back and prevent the struggling 
savage from rolling himself into the stream and escap- 
ing. But Adam's solicitude for the life of his brother 
prevented him from complying with his request. The 
consequence was that the Indian, although in the 
agonies of death, succeeded in reaching the water and 
getting into the current; so that his scalp was not ob- 
tained. 

During the conflict, and just as Adam had arrived at 
the edge of the bank for the relief of Andrew, one of 
the party who had followed close behind him, seeing a 
person in the river, and supposing him to be a wounded 
Indian, shot and wounded him in the shoulder. It 
was the struggling Andrew who thus received the 



274 Crawford's Expedition 

second wound; but, from these injuries, he afterward 
recovered. In the meantime, the remaining Indians 
had been overtaken by the borderers, and all but one 
killed ; with the loss, however, of three of the pur- 
suers — one, a young man by the name of Cherry. The 
Indian shot by Adam Poe, was a noted chief of the 
Wyandots, known as Big Foot. s 

On the 25th of July, Irvine wrote to Major- General 
Lincoln: "The incursions of the Indians on the fron- 
tier of this country will unavoidably prevent the militia 
from assembling as soon as the 1st of August. In- 
deed, I begin to entertain doubts of their being able to 
raise and equip the proposed number this season." 

On the 10th of August, an address was presented to 
Irvine, signed by the principal inhabitants of the 
frontier on the waters of Buffalo and Ten-mile, asking 
for protection against the savages. "Though I do not 
think," is the language of Irvine to Marshal, on the 
same day, t£ there is as much danger as they apprehend, 
yet, if they run, the consequence is the same; and I 

b Doddridge, Notes, 301-307. De Hass (His. Ind. Wars W. Va., 
p. 365) mentions this contest as having occurred in 1781 ; but, as no 
authority is given for the statement, I have followed Doddridge. And, 
as corroborative, see Smith's Hist. Jefferson College, p. 391. As to the 
correction of Doddridge, by the substitution of Adam for Andrew and 
vice versa, as in the text, De Hass is in the right, as I am informed by 
S. R. Harris, Esq., of Bucyrus, O., who had an account of the contest 
from Adam Poe himself. See, also, Howe's His. Coll. Ohio, p. 106. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 275 

do not wish any more breaks made in the settlements." 
Marshal was therefore ordered to call out one officer 
and twenty men to range in that quarter. 

The officers and principal citizens of Washington 
county met at Catfish Camp, on Thursday, the 22d of 
August, for the purpose of devising ways and means 
for carrying forward the second campaign against San- 
dusky. At this meeting it was resolved that the differ- 
ent battalions of the militia of the county furnish, 
as their quota for the expedition, six hundred and 
seventy-one men, two hundred and fifty-two horses, 
and forty thousand two hundred rations. It was also 
agreed that any person furnishing two hundred rations 
— to consist of one and one-fourth pounds of flour and 
the same quantity of beef, each — and delivering them 
at the time and place appointed by the commanding 
officers of each battalion, should be exempted a two 
months' tour of duty under the law; or, in lieu thereof, 
he might, if he choose, deliver a good pack-horse fit for 
the service, properly equipped with a halter, pack- 
saddle, lashing-rope, and two kegs, or one good bag, 
and be entitled to a like exemption. 

Arrangements were made at the meeting for the 
proper assessment of every delinquent citizen in the 
county, in proportion to the value of his estate, — such 
an amount as might be necessary to cover his share of 
the expense of furnishing provisions and pack-horses ; 
and it was agreed that all horses lost on the expedition, 



276 Crawford's Expedition 

unless paid for by the government in one year, be com- 
pensated for by each member of the company to which 
it belonged, in proportion to the value of his estate. 
It was also resolved that each battalion should deposit 
at one or more mills in its district, its quota of wheat, 
on or before the ensuing 6th day of September. 9 

General Irvine was informed by Marshal, on the 
26th, of the proceedings of the meeting: " I have no 
doubt of raising and equipping of the proposed num- 
ber, about five hundred men, perhaps more; and that 
we shall be able to rendezvous at such place as you 
may appoint, by the 15th of September, which will be 
as soon as the people of the county can possibly be in 
readiness." Irvine immediately replied, approving the 
resolutions — "their execution," he suggested wisely, 
<c is another thing." " However," he added, t£ I trust 
you will not be mistaken notwithstanding." He 
thought the 15th of September would be full late 
enough for the general meeting. 

Ever since the return of Slover, Irvine had kept con- 
stantly in mind the warnings he brought from the 
wilderness, and had ever a watchful eye in the direction 
of Wheeling. On the evening of the 11th of Septem- 
ber, this post was attacked by two hundred and thirty- 
eight Indians, under George Girty, and a company of 
forty Rangers from Detroit, commanded by Captain 

9 I have the original account of the proceedings of this meeting. 
It is signed by Marshal, and attested by the clerk, William Pollock. 



. Against Sandusky, 1782. 277 

Pratt. An attempt was made to storm the fort; but, 
by the aid of a small cannon, it was repulsed. On the 
second day of the siege three more attempts were 
made, but with no better success. " The enemy con- 
tinued around the garrison till the morning of the 
13th, " wrote Ebenezer Zane to Irvine, from the fort, 
on the next day, iC when they disappeared." 10 

Before recrossing the Ohio, the enemy attacked 

10 This I find corroborated in a letter from Marshal to Irvine, in my 
possession, dated the 15th. Zane's letter is as follows: 

" Weling, 14/^ September, 1782. 

f Sir : on the Evening of the 1 ith Instant a Body of the Enemy ap- 
peared in Sight of our garrison the immediately formed thire Lines 
Round the garrison paraded British Cullars and demand the fort to 
Be Surrenderred which was Refused about twelve o clock att Night they 
Rushed hard on the pickets In order to Storm But was repulsed they 
made two other attemts to Storm Before Day to No purpos. 

"about eight o clock Next morning thare come a Negro from them 
to us and informed us that thire forse Consisted of a British Captain 
and forty Regular Soldiers and two hundred and Sixty Indians they 
Enemy kept a continual fire they whold Day a Bout ten o clock att 
Night they made a forth attempt to Storm to no better purpos then 
the former the Enemy Continued Round the garrison till the morning 
of the thirteenth Instant when they Disappeared Our loss is none Dan- 
iel Sullivan who arrived here in the first of the action is wounded in 
the foot. 

" I belive they have Drove they gratest part of our Stock away 

and might I think be soon overtaken I am with Due Respect your 

obedient servt. 

"Ebenezer Zane" 



278 Crawford' s Expedition 

Rice's fort, about fourteen miles from Wheeling; but 
were repulsed by its garrison of six men, losing four 
of their warriors. cc If the enemy," wrote Marshal to 
Irvine, on the 15th, " continue to advance in one 
body, the matter will become serious, and perhaps re- 
quire our whole strength to repel them. But, if it can 
possibly be avoided, I could wish not to call upon 
a man that is going on the expedition against San- 
dusky." But the savages advanced no farther into the 
settlements. It was their last inroad, in force, east of 
the Ohio during the war. 

The place appointed by Irvine for the rendezvous, 
preparatory to marching against Sandusky, was Fort 
Mcintosh; the time, September 20th. But, notwith- 
standing the preparations of the borderers, and ot the 
State and general government — the latter had gone so 
far as to fully mature a plan for the expedition, Irvine 
being appointed to command — the assembling never 
took place. 

cc I have this moment received dispatches from the 
Secretary of War," is the language of Irvine, on the 
1 8th of September, to the lieutenants of Westmoreland 
and Washington counties, "informing me that some 
regular troops are ordered from below, to assist us in 
our intended expedition. I am, therefore, to beg you 
will immediately countermand the march of the volun- 
teers and others of your counties until further orders. 
As soon as I am positively assured of the time the 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 279 

troops will be here, I shall give you the earliest notice. 
I hope the good people of your counties will not think 
hard to be stopped, as the measure is designed for the 
best, and to insure success if possible." But the regu- 
lars never came ; for the war of the Revolution was 
drawing rapidly to its close. <c Peace is talked of," Ir- 
vine was informed by the Secretary of War, by letter 
dated the 2d September; "how far we may depend on 
it I am at a loss to say." He wrote again, on the 27th : 
c£ From late accounts, forwarded by his Excellency, 
General Washington, we learn that the Indians are all 
called in." 

cc I received your letter by Sergeant Porter," was 
the response of Irvine to Cook, on the 18th of Octo- 
ber, " and one last night from Colonel Marshal, which 
is full of despondency. Indeed, by all the accounts I 
can collect, it would be vain to insist on bringing the 
few willing people to the general rendezvous, .as there 
is not the most distant prospect that half sufficient 
would assemble. Under the cirumstances, I think it 
will be most advisable to give up the matter at once, 
and direct the provisions and other articles be restored 
to the owners." The Secretary of War wrote to Irvine, 
on the 30th, that the expedition against Sandusky was 
laid aside. The lieutenants of Westmoreland and Wash- 
ington counties were thereupon officially informed, by 
the commandant at Fort Pitt, of the abandonment of 



280 Crawford's Expedition 

the enterprise by the government. Depredations, how- 
ever, continued a long time afterward to afflict the border. 

As late as April 16, 1783, Irvine wrote Lincoln: 
" Savages have lately killed and taken a number of fam- 
ilies, at nearly the same time, in many different places 
of the country, as well on the frontiers of Virginia as 
Pennsylvania. Not less than seventeen persons are 
said to be killed and scalped in a small settlement on 
Wheeling creek." And this too, notwithstanding ne- 
gotiations for peace had long been in progress, and, 
about this time, was publicly proclaimed ! The nation 
at large was joyous ; but the western border continued 
to be the theater of savage murders for many months. 

c< The most glorious news of peace," wrote Irvine to 
General Washington, from Carlisle, where he was then 
visiting his family, " arrived two days ago — honorable 
for America! On this happy occasion, I pray your 
Excellency may be pleased to accept my sincere con- 
gratulations. That you may long live to enjoy the 
well-earned fruits of your labors, is my ardent wish." 11 
<£ The happy event of a general peace," replied Washing- 
ton, cc diffuses very general satisfaction. With great 
sincerity I return you my congratulations." 12 

11 A copy of this letter, in the handwriting of Irvine, is before me. 
It has no date. The reply of Washington, which is in my possession, 
shows it to have been written on the 28th of March. 

12 Washington to Irvine, 16th April, 1783 : MS. letter. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 281 



CHAPTER XIV. 

PERSONAL INCIDENTS AND SKETCHES. 

THAT there should have been the deepest feeling 
prevailing in all the humble dwellings of those 
who had sent forth one or more of their number to 
the wilderness, when it became known that the expe- 
dition against Sandusky had returned to the Ohio, is 
not a matter of wonder. Nor is it to be presumed 
the excitement was lessened by a knowledge of its fail- 
ure ; as then the most intense anxiety prevailed to learn 
who were killed, wounded, or missing. 

Great was the joy upon the return of a volunteer. 
He was immediately surrounded by anxious neighbors 
who were still in terrible suspense as to the fate of rel- 
atives or friends. A thousand questions were asked. 
Some could report a father, brother, or son killed — the 
relator, perchance, had assisted at his burial. Some 
were wounded — several were missing when the Ohio 
was recrossed, as already related. Among those who 
were never heard of may be named William Huston, 
Captain Hoagland, William Johnston, and William 
Nimmons. 

Among the numerous forts dotting the wilderness at 
this time was that of Wolfe's, standing about &ve miles 
west of Catfish, and inclosing Jacob Wolfe's house — 



282 Crawford's Expedition 

hence its name. A writer 1 speaks of the excitement 
caused by the report of the death of two of the volun- 
teers in the army just returned : " We remained in Mr. 
Wolfe's house until February, 1782, while my father 
was preparing his cabin, into which we finally entered, 
but not to rest. In fifteen or twenty days after en- 
trance into our log cabin, Martin Jolly came running, 
breathless, to tell us that a savage murder had been com- 
mitted but ten miles distant. In two hours we were in 
Wolfe's fort. From the fort my parents removed to 
Catfish (Washington), and spent the residue of 1782, 
and to April, 1783, on the farm of Alexander Rey- 
nolds, recently owned by Dr. F. J. Lemoyne. On this 
farm we were living when . . . the militia army were 
defeated under Colonel William Crawford. . . . James 
and Hugh Workman were both in that expedition, 
and I fancy I see the two women now, when James 
Reynolds came running to my mother, exclaiming, 
c Jamy Workman is killed!' James Workman, who 
was a married man, was not killed, but returned to his 
family and lived many years afterward. A like report 
came in regard to Hugh, and happily proved untrue, to 
the great joy of his betrothed wife, Peggy Bryson, liv- 
ing then with her brother-in-law, Thomas Nichol. John 
Campbell, of Pigeon creek, was killed in the action." 
The brothers Workman were in the same company 

1 William Darby ; see Creigtfs Hist. Wash. Co. App., p. 56. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 283 

when the army, on its outward march, left Mingo Bot- 
tom ; but when Crawford selected his company of light- 
horse, Hugh joined it, leaving his brother James in the 
ranks of the mounted infantry. James was twenty-five 
and Hugh twenty-three years of age when they joined 
the Sandusky expedition. The former applied for a 
pension fifty years after, and was successful. Both were 
then living (1833) in Amwell township, Washington 
county. 2 

Some of the stragglers from the army, who became 
separated from it on the night the retreat began, got 
very much confused, as might be expected, in their en- 
deavors to find the trail of the retreating troops. A 
few, in despair of regaining it, and others out of abun- 
dant caution, struck directly through the wilderness, 
taking a due east course for the Ohio. Some became 
completely bewildered. Nicholas Dawson, a volunteer 
from Westmoreland, father of John Dawson of Fayette 
county, and then living about four miles from Beeson- 
town, had become separated from his companions when 
the army began its homeward march, and was endeavor- 
ing to make his way eastward, when he was discovered 
by James Workman and a companion, going exactly 
from the Ohio and toward Sandusky 1 These men en- 
deavored to persuade him that he was wrong ; but Daw- 
son insisted, with equal pertinacity, that he was right. 

2 Declaration of James Workman for a pension, March 29, 1833. 



284 Crawford 's Expedition 

After some further attempts to convince him of his 
mistake, with no better success, they told him he would 
certainly be killed if he continued upon the course he 
had been traveling, and as he had better be shot by 
white men than be tortured to death, they would kill 
him to prevent him falling into the hands of the 
savages ! This argument proved successful, and he 
turned about reluctantly. All arrived home in safety. 

In the confusion attending the commencement of 
the retreat from the battle-field of Sandusky, Philip 
Smith, who, it will be remembered, was wounded in the 
elbow during the action, became separated from his 
company. With him was a companion named Rankin. 
Smith was a young man — born in Frederick county, 
Maryland, in February, 1761 — then residing near 
Beesontown (Uniontown), in Westmoreland county (in 
that part which soon after became Fayette), at the time 
of volunteering for the expedition. Concerning the 
previous history of Rankin, nothing is known. 

Both had lost their horses. They had their rifles 
and ammunition with them, but were without provis- 
ions. Their guns were of little service, as they did 
not dare to shoot for fear of Indians. They were com- 
pelled, therefore, to a very scanty diet, as a general 
thing, of berries, roots, and young birds (when these 
could be caught). They traveled usually by night, 
wisely avoiding all trails. After awhile, they came 
across an Indian pony which they resolved to kill for 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 285 

food. As they were afraid to shoot it, Smith deter- 
mined to dispatch the animal with his tomahawk. This, 
however, proved no slight affair. It dodged all blows 
aimed at its head. Finally, Rankin held his hat over 
the pony's eyes, which enabled Smith to deal a blow that 
felled it to the ground. The animal was then killed, 
cut open, and its liver taken out, which, after being 
broiled, was, to the two hungry men, a savory dish 
indeed ! 

About the third night of their retreat, two men on 
horseback overtook them, and they then all traveled on 
together until a stream was reached having high banks, 
where the party fell into an ambuscade of savages, who 
had doubtless followed them from the Plains. There 
were four of the enemy. The two men on horseback 
were shot dead — their bodies falling into the stream. 

When the firing took place, Smith was in the act of 
drinking — he had just stooped down to the water. A 
ball passed very near his head ; he was, however, un- 
hurt. Seizing the gun of one of the men who had 
been shot, he ran up the bank, and turned around to 
fire at the Indians; but the savages were too quick for 
him and dodged behind trees. 

In the meantime, Rankin, who was also unharmed, 
was running for life. Smith threw aside his gun and 
ran after his companion ; the latter mistook him for an 
enemy and three times turned to shoot him ; but Smith 
saved himself each time by ''treeing." Rankin finally 



286 Crawford 's Expedition 



discovered who it was so eagerly pursuing him ; when 
he slackened his pace and was soon joined by Smith. 
The two now ran on together and escaped the savages. 
The men who were killed had been with them but a 
few hours, and their names they did not learn. 

The two did not halt the next morning as daylight 
appeared, but continued their journey, fearing pursuit 
by the Indians. They came soon after upon a deserted 
Indian camp, which, it appeared from the signs, a num- 
ber of savages had just left. A man lay there scalped 
and dead, but his body was still warm. He had drawn 
his hand over the scalp-wound several times and 
smeared himself with blood from it, showing that he 
had been scalped while still alive! He had been shot 
apparently while on horseback. It was the opinion of 
both Smith and Rankin that he was not one of the 
volunteers, as he rode a shod horse, and none to their 
knowledge in the expedition had shoes on. The In- 
dians, after killing him, had immediately fled, for what 
cause was of course unknown. Their fires were yet 
burning, over which corn (hominy) was cooking. This 
the two half-famished men tasted, but did not eat, for 
fear of its being poisoned ; — the temptation was great, 
as may be imagined. 

After leaving this camp, no more Indians were seen ; 
but that night, as Rankin was making himself a pair 
of moccasins from the skin of a horse they had found 
(his moccasins being worn out), savages were heard at a 



Against Sandusky r , 1782. 287 

great distance, whereupon the two extinguished their 
fire and pursued their journey. They reached home in 
ten days from the time of their leaving the battle- 
ground — foot-sore, nearly naked, and well-nigh perish- 
ing with hunger. 3 

The volunteers who had been fortunate in not losing 
their horses, found their animals very much jaded and 
reduced in flesh upon their return to the settlements. 
Their progress homeward was, therefore, as a general 
thing, very slow. Some came singly, others in squads; 
not a few were on foot. No discharges had been given ; 
none were expected. Quite a number came on together 
as far as Catfish, dispersing thence to their homes. 
John Sherrard left his companions at this point, to 
visit a cousin, Hugh Sherrard, on Miller's run. He 
found his relative in mourning for a son who had been 
killed by the Indians, in April previous — the same sad 

3 Philip Smith was one of the pioneer settlers of Ohio; he crossed 
the river into the territory now constituting the State, in 1784; built 
a cabin on the stream, but was driven away by the Indians. He re- 
turned in 1799, and settled near Steubenville, Jefferson county, where 
he continued to live until April, 181 2, when he removed to Wayne 
county, in the same State, which he reached on the 27th of that 
month. Here he resided until his death, which took place on the 27th 
of March, 1838, in East Union township, of that county. There are 
now (1873) f° ur children of Mr. Smith living: John P. Smith, of 
Centreville, Indiana; Jacob P. Smith, Cass county, Indiana ; N. W. 
Smith, Wooster, Ohio ; and Mrs. Agnes McFadden, West Salem, 
Ohio. 



288 Crawford's Expedition 

story, so often repeated upon the border ; in this in- 
stance, intensified by the fact of a young wife being 
left a widow. 

The home of Sherrard was with the widowed mother 
of James Paull, in what is now Dunbar township, Fay- 
ette county — where he soon after arrived, but could give 
no intelligence of the widow's son. The last time he 
had seen James, was on the night of the commencement 
of the retreat, when, just as the army was about to start, 
he was observed fast asleep. Sherrard gave him a shake, 
calling to him : " Up, James, and let us be off; they 
are all starting, and we shall soon be left behind !" He 
saw him spring to his feet, but immediately lost sight 
of him in the darkness, and had not seen him since or 
heard of him. The disconsolate mother had now the 
most fearful forebodings. She was a woman regarded as 
a sincere Christian. As her son's companions returned 
to the neighborhood, she would immediately send a 
messenger to inquire whether James had been seen or 
heard of. But no intelligence came. Sherrard vainly 
endeavored to console her with the assurance that her 
son would undoubtedly be home in a short time; 
but, like Rachel of old, she would not be comforted, 
because he was not. 4 

But of all those who suffered from hope deferred 
until the heart grew sick indeed, and then, when the 
facts were known, from a recital of them, none was 

4 Communicated by Robert A. Sherrard. 



Against Sandusky \ 1782. 289 

more to be commiserated than the wife of the com- 
mander of the expedition. Hannah Crawford had 
parted with her husband with a heavy heart. As the 
volunteers, one after another, returned to her neighbor- 
hood, with what anxiety did she make inquiries of 
them concerning her companion ! But no one could 
give the disconsolate wife a word of information con- 
cerning him. Her lonely cabin by the Youghiogheny 
was a house of mourning now. After three weeks of 
dreadful suspense she learned the sad news of her hus- 
band's death in the wilderness. 5 

The widow was left in embarrassment as to prop- 
erty. Crawford's private affairs had come to be in a 
very unsettled condition on account of his military 
and other duties having called him so frequently from 
home ; his absence, sometimes, being greatly prolonged. 
The excitements and vicissitudes of the later years of 
his life had called his attention from them necessarily. 
The result was that his estate was swept away, most of 
it, by a flood of claims, some having doubtless no just 
foundation. For losses sustained upon the expedition, 
the State afterward reimbursed his estate. 

Hannah Crawford afterward drew a pension from the 
State on account of the military services of her hus- 
band. On the 28th of November, 1804, she applied 
to Congress for relief. 6 It is not known, however, that 

5 From what source is not now known. 

6 The original petition is in my possession. It recites that her hus- 



290 Crawford's Expedition 

she ever received any aid from the general government. 
She lived at her old home until 18 17, when she died, 
at the advanced age of ninety-three years and eleven 
months. 7 cc I well recollect," says Uriah Springer, 

band, William Crawford, was, at the time of his death, on the Con- 
tinental establishment as colonel of the Virginia line ; that in the 
spring of the year, 1782, in the hour of imminent danger and the 
defenseless situation of the western frontier, by the directions and un- 
der the instructions of General William Irvine, who then had the 
command of the militia and Continental troops in the western country 
he took the command as colonel of, and marched with, a detach- 
ment of western militia volunteers and some Continental officers 
against the savage enemy — the Indians ; and that, in the month of 
June of that year, he was defeated by the savages and fell in defense of 
his country. The prayer of the petition is, in view of the fact that 
the petitioner is aged, infirm, and indigent; that "your honorable 
body will grant such relief and support as, in your wisdom, justice, 
and discretion, for the services and loss of her said husband, your 
petitioner may be justly entitled to." 

7 " The log-house where the widow Crawford lived, which had 
been built by her husband, and in which she had resided, at the 
time of her death, for nearly fifty years, stood about one hundred 
yards from an old stone-house erected by Daniel Rodgers, but nearer 
the river and more opposite Gibson's stone-mill, in the borough, as 
already explained, of New Haven, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, 
opposite Connellsville. It was built on a round knoll, near where a 
large locust tree now stands. It was a small house, as originally built, 
of only one room ; but afterward there was a shed-roof addition built 
to it ; but the latter was finally taken away. It has not been many 
years since this interesting relic was torn down. Of some of the 
logs, walking-sticks were made and sold to the curious." — Recollections 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 291 

<c when I was a little boy, my grandmother Crawford 
took me behind her on horseback, rode across the 
Youghiogheny, passed the c John Rice farm/ turned to 
the left into the woods, when we both alighted by an 
old, moss-covered, white-oak log. c Here/ said my 
grandmother, as she sat down upon the log and cried 
as though her heart would break, c here I parted with 
your grandfather V " s 

Sherrard, whom we left at his home at the widow 
Paull's, as soon as he had obtained a little rest, started 
for Beesontown to return the pack-saddle to the wife 
of Daniel Harbaugh, which, it will be remembered, he 
had taken from his dead companion's horse, on the 
banks of the Sandusky. The story of the tragic death 
of his comrade was a most heart-rending one to the 
distracted wife. There was, nevertheless, this consola- 
tion in her deep sorrow : she knew he was dead, and 
knew, too, the particulars of his last moments. It 
was not with her as with a few who never after heard 
of their loved ones — not a fearful uncertainty, until 
death itself would have been a relief. 

Nearly all those who had become separated from the 
main body of the army, had, upon their return, the 

of David A. C. Sherrard : communicated to his brother, Robert A. Sher- 
rard, February, 1872; and by the latter to the author. 

8 Communicated by Robert A. Sherrard. The father of Uriah 
Springer — Uriah Springer, Sen. — was the second husband of Craw- 
ford's eldest daughter, Sally. 



292 Crawford's Expedition 



same story to tell of suffering from hunger; as only a 
few were fortunate enough to have preserved a sufficient 
supply of provisions. Several had lost either their guns 
or ammunition; they could not therefore rely upon kill- 
ing any game on the way. It is related of one volun- 
teer who reached home nearly famished that he cut up 
in small pieces his buckskin breeches and ate them 
with a relish. Many saved their lives by eating service- 
berries, which at that season of the year were ripe, and 
in some places found in abundance. " That some may 
have died in the wilderness of starvation, is not im- 
probable, though the number must have been small. 

As might be expected, those on horseback were the 
first usually to reach their homes. Some had been 
compelled to leave their horses in the wilderness and 
pursue their way, as best they could, on foot. Thomas 
Mills met with this mishap. His animal gave out at 
a spot near where St. Clairsville, county-seat of Bel- 
mont county, Ohio, now stands, and whither he had 
wandered in his endeavors to reach the Ohio. He left 
his horse at what was known as the " Indian Spring," 
about nine miles from the river ; then in the wilderness 
of course, now on the National Road. Mills soon after 
reached Wheeling in safety. He then proceeded to Van 
Metre's fort ; when, after a day or two of rest, he began 
to think of returning for his horse. At this time there 
was at the fort the famous hunter and Indian fighter, 
Lewis Wetzel. Mills applied to Wetzel to accom- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 293 

pany him in search of his horse. The cautious back- 
woodsman discouraged the attempt and cautioned him 
of the danger. But Mills was determined to recover 
his animal at every hazard ; and Wetzel was not the 
one to refuse help because of peril, however imminent 
it might be. So the two started. 

Rapidly, but cautiously, they made their way into 
the wilderness. Approaching the spring, they discovered 
the horse, not however as he had been left, but tied to a 
tree. Wetzel at once comprehended the danger, sig- 
naled his companion, and then turned and ran for life. 
Mills, however, rushed up to unfasten his animal, when 
instantly a discharge of rifles followed, and the unfor- 
tunate man, after having escaped all the dangers of the 
Sandusky campaign, fell mortally wounded. The vol- 
ley did not slacken the speed of Wetzel, who plunged 
through the enemy's ambuscade, followed now by four 
fleet savages, whooping in proud exultation of soon 
overtaking their intended victim. 

After a chase of half a mile, one of the most active 
of his pursuers approached so close that Wetzel was 
afraid he might throw his tomahawk, and suddenly 
wheeling, shot the savage dead in his tracks. It was 
now that the habit he had acquired, of loading his gun 
while in full run, was put in requisition. Keeping in ad- 
vance of the Indians for another half-mile, a second one 
came up so close to him that he was again compelled to 
turn at bay. But the savage this time was so near him 



294 Crawford ' s Expedition 



as to catch the end of his gun, and for a time the 
contest was doubtful. At one moment, the Indian, 
by his great strength and dexterity, brought Wetzel to 
his knee, and had nearly wrenched the rifle from the 
grasp of his antagonist, when the latter, by a renewed 
effort, drew the weapon from the savage, and thrusting 
the muzzle against the side of his neck, pulled the trig- 
ger, killing him instantly. 

By this time the two other Indians had nearly over- 
taken Wetzel ; but by leaping forward he eluded their 
pursuit until his unerring rifle was a third time loaded. 
Anxious to have done with this kind of sport, he slack- 
ened his pace, and even stopped once or twice to give 
his pursuers an opportunity to face him. Every time 
he looked around, however, the Indians "treed," un- 
willing any longer to encounter his destructive weapon. 
After running some distance further, in this manner, 
he reached an open piece of ground, and turning 
quickly around, the foremost Indian jumped behind a 
tree ; but, as this did not screen the savage, Wetzel 
fired and mortally wounded him. The remaining 
Indian thereupon made an immediate retreat, and the 
intrepid backwoodsman soon after reached the settle- 
ments in safety, to relate his daring exploit. 9 

9 Compare Doddridge's Notes, 274, 299, 300; and De Hass* Hist. 
Ind. Wars West Va.^ p. 349. The Indians who ambuscaded Mills 
were not of those engaged, at Sandusky, against Crawford. That the 
tracks of some of the straggling parties were followed near to the Mus- 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 295 

Shortly after the army had recrossed the Ohio, John 
Crawford arrived at his mother's home upon the 
Youghiogheny, but could give no tidings of his father; 
of his cousin, young William Crawford; or of William 
Harrison, his brother-in-law. He had seen neither 
after the night when the retreat began, nor had he heard 
a word of them. 

It has been previously stated that the homestead taken 
up by Colonel" Crawford, upon the Youghiogheny, was 
in his son's name. On the 27th of November, 1786, 
John Crawford sold this land to Edward Cook, who 
obtained a patent for it on the nth of January, 1787, 
from the State of Pennsylvania — including what was 
generally known as cc Stewart's Crossings," now in Fay- 
ette county. Cook afterward conveyed the tract to 
Isaac Meason, who had already obtained an interest in 
it by purchase at a judicial sale, and, in 1796, laid out 
upon it the town of New Haven. 10 

John Crawford afterward emigrated to the State of 

kingum is certain ; but that " for several days after the retreat of our 
army, the Indians were spread over the whole country, from the San- 
dusky to the Muskingum," as related by Doddridge (Notes, 274) " in 
pursuit of the straggling parties, most of whom were killed on the 
spot," is a mistake. "They even pursued them," adds the writer, 
"almost to the Ohio." I find no confirmation of this. On the con- 
trary, subsequent movements of the Indians, at Sandusky and the 
Shawanese towns, render it altogether improbable. 

10 A considerable part of the tract is still (1873) owned by some of 
Isaac Meason's descendants. 



296 Crawford's Expedition 



Ohio, settling upon land bequeathed to him by his 
father, at the mouth of Brush creek, on the Ohio river 
bottom, in Adams county, where he died, leaving two 
sons, about the year 18 16." 

Upon the breaking up of the army, on the 14th of 
June, Williamson immediately returned to, his home in 
Washington county, and was soon after sent by Mar- 
shal, with a squad of men, to guard the frontier along 
the Ohio. In after years he was elected sheriff of his 
county, and was very popular with the people. He 
was, however, unsuccessful in business and died in pov- 
erty. The other field officers also dispersed to their 
several places of abode : Gaddis to that part of West- 
moreland soon to become Fayette, near Uniontown ; 
Brinton and Leet to Washington county; Zane re- 
turned to Wheeling, where he afterward died, leaving 
large landed possessions ; Rose made his way to Fort 
Pitt, and reported for duty to General Irvine. 

That the salvation of the army, on its retreat from 
Sandusky, was largely due to the skill and exertions of 
Rose, has already been mentioned. 12 He remained at 

11 It has been generally supposed that John Crawford was tortured 
to death in the wilderness ; but the "young Crawford" who perished, 
was his cousin, as presently shown. 

12 ( ( 1 f urn ished the party with ammunition, and sent written instruc- 
tions to the commander, and also sent two Continental officers — Major 
Rose, my own aid-de-camp, and Doctor Knight, surgeon of one of the 
regiments under my command — to assist Colonel Crawford. After the 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 297 

Fort Pitt, as aid to General Irvine, until the close of 
the war. His intelligence, gentlemanly bearing, and 
strict integrity made him a great favorite with the offi- 
cers as well as the rank and file. Before leaving Pitts- 
burg he was intrusted with the payment of the troops 
garrisoned there, which shows clearly the confidence re- 
posed in his honesty. In rendering his accounts to the 
government he was very particular, even to a nicety 
that was sometimes amusing. Upon one occasion he 
found it necessary to charge himself with a half-pint of 
whisky. The charge was accompanied with this expla- 
nation : "The half-pint of whisky was used to wash 
the back of my portmanteau horse, which was much 
hurt ! " 

Rose was Secretary to the Council of Censors of 
Pennsylvania in the fall of 1783. This board had 
been provided for by the constitution of the State 
adopted in July, 1776. The Council was elected by 
the people on the second Tuesday of October, 1783. 
It was their duty to inquire if the constitution had 
been preserved inviolate ; whether the different branches 
of the government had performed their duties faith- 
fully ; and whether the taxes had been justly laid; and 

defeat, the second in command [Williamson] and others informed me 
that it was owing, in a great degree, to the bravery and good conduct 
of Major Rose that the retreat was so well effected. " — Irvine to Hannah 
Crawford: MS. certificate. It may be mentioned that the chivalric 
young foreigner was generally known as " Major Rose." 



298 Crawford's Expedition 

the like duties. That Rose was elected secretary of 
this body, is a clear evidence that his fame had gone 
beyond the military post at Pittsburg. The Council 
met in November, 1783; and when it became known 
that it would adjourn to June, 1784, Rose, having 
resolved to return to his native country, resigned, on 
the 2 1 st of February of that year, his office of secre- 
tary. 

During the winter, his brother officers employed 
him to look after their interests in the Pennsylvania 
Legislature. As an American lobbyist he proved 
himself an expert. On the 21st of February, 1784, 
he wrote to General Irvine, who was then at his home 
in Carlisle: "The military gentlemen of our line 
have awakened from their slumbers ; and the walls 
of the City Tavern have been twice the silent witnesses 
of our loud deliberations." They were lobbying for 
the redemption of their commutations. Many preten- 
tious English scholars have written with far less accu- 
racy and fluency. 

Rose was also at the same time exerting himself to 
arrange the accounts of General Irvine with the govern- 
ment. He had already informed him of his determi- 
nation to return to Europe in the spring. " I find," 
said he, in a letter to his friend and benefactor, <c at the 
office of the Commissioners of Account, that no credit 
has been given you for the clothing delivered the differ- 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 299 

ent officers, in garrison, formerly, at Fort Pitt," 13 In 
such ways did he further the interests and return the 
kindness of his general. Finally, in a letter to Irvine 
from Philadelphia, dated the 2d of April, 1784, he in- 
formed him that he expected to sail for Amsterdam in the 
course of the next week. cc The final accounts," he 
adds, " of your Continental settlement I have properly 
adjusted." The magnanimous and gallant soldier, — 
the firm and appreciative friend, — the accomplished and 
sensitive gentleman, — was now ready to depart the 
shores of America. C{ I shall do myself the honor," 
is the postscript to his letter, i£ to write you again be-' 
fore I sail." 

Not long after, General Irvine received a letter at 
Carlisle, post-marked New York, superscribed in the 
beautiful and well-known hand of his ojd-time aid. It 
expressed his warm gratitude and attachment to his 
benefactor and his family ; — declaring, however, his 
sorrow for having abstained so long from making 
known his true history. He then stated that his name 
was not John Rose, but Gustavus H. de Rosenthal, of 
Livonia, Russia — a Baron of the Empire ! He then 
explained why he had left his country : 

In an encounter with a nobleman, within the pre- 
cincts of the palace at St. Petersburg, he had killed his 

13 Rose to Irvine, 21st February, 1784. All the letters of Rose, re- 
ferred to in this chapter, are in the Irvine collection. 



300 Crawford *s Expedition 

antagonist, in a duel, brought on by a blow which the 
other had inflicted upon an aged uncle in his presence. 
He then fled to England, whence, learning of the 
American war, he had sailed immediately for this 
country, to draw his sword in behalf of the struggling 
colonies. And now he was about to sail for home, 
having received, through the mediation of his family, 
permission to return, from the Emperor Alexander. 

The first link, then, in that bright chain of friendship 
which has ever since bound, in such cordial relations, 
the Russian Empire to the United Slates, was forged 
by John Rose — Baron Rosenthal, of Livonia — the hero 
of the retreat of Crawford's army from the Plains of 
Sandusky ! 

Baron Rosenthal left the shores of America with a 
full determination to return and make this country his 
future home ; but that resolution was not carried out. 
He kept up a correspondence, however, with General 
Irvine, until the death of the latter, and afterward with 
his son, Callender Irvine, father of William A. Irvine. 
After his return to Russia, he was made Grand Mar- 
shal of Livonia. He married an early love, and be- 
came the father of five children, all of whom he out- 
lived. His letters are full of interest. In one, he 
quaintly observes: fC I love above all things enjoying 
independency in the midst of my family, on a healthy 
spot of ground, with a clever, sensible set of men 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 301 

around me." 14 In all his correspondence after he had 
learned of the death of General Irvine, there are the 
most tender expressions of respect for the memory of 
his benefactor. Upon this subject, in a letter to Cal- 
lender Irvine, he says : ' c I fled to America for refuge; 
was graciously received by your venerated father, and 
cherished by him as a son. My obligations can not be 
told. The power of language can not express all that 
I feel." Baron Rosenthal died in 1830. He was the 
only Russian, so far as is known, who served on the 
American side during the war of the Revolution. 15 

So successfully had Irvine conducted the affairs at 
Fort Pitt and vicinity, and so satisfactory had been his 
administration to both the State and general government 
and to the people on the frontiers generally, that Wash- 
ington would not consent, although solicited by the 
commander of the Western Department, to his quitting 
his command, even on the arrival of the preliminary ar- 
ticles of peace from ' Europe. And, although some of 
the garrison were furloughed, he. was enjoined still to 
remain. 

u This letter is dated, St. Petersburg, Midsummer Day, 1804, and 
directed to General Irvine. 

15 In consideration of his long and valuable services, the general 
government granted him bounty lands in Ohio, and he received from 
Pennsylvania two tracts of donation lands, in the northwest part of 
the State. What became of his interest in the Ohio lands is unknown ; 
but that he saved his other tracts is certain ; — they are situated on 
Oil creek, and have become very valuable. 



302 Crawford 's Expedition 

" It is probable," wrote Washington, on the 16th of 
April, 1783, to Irvine, then at Carlisle, cc that a dissolu- 
tion of the army is not far distant ; but, as it is uncer- 
tain when the proclamation of peace and cessation of 
hostilities will be ordered by Congress, and as it is of 
much importance that you should be present at your 
post previous to, and at the taking place of that event, 
I have to desire that you will proceed immediately to 
Fort Pitt, where your influence and prudence may be 
much needed." 

It has already been fully explained how Irvine be- 
came so closely identified with the expedition against 
Sandusky, and what the motives were which induced him 
to authorize, to help organize, and, finally, to issue in- 
structions for its guidance. It had been encouraged by 
him because he believed it might prove a success ; and 
if so, that "ease and safety to the inhabitants" of the 
border would be the result. In this, no one could im- 
pugn his motives. In its failure, no one saw reason to 
charge him with a lack of military sagacity. 

On the 13th of September, the citizens of Pittsburg 
presented Irvine, on the occasion of his final departure 
from Fort Pitt, with a highly gratulatory address : 

" The inhabitants of Pittsburg, having just learned 
that you intend to retire from this command to-morrow, 
would do injustice to their own feelings if they did not 
express their thanks to you, and their sense of your 
merit as an officer. During your command in this 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 303 

department, you have demonstrated that, amidst the 
tumults of war, the laws may be enforced, and civil 
liberty and society protected. Your attention to the 
order and discipline of the regular troops under your 
command, as well as to the militia; your regard for the 
civil rights of the inhabitants ; the care you have taken 
of the public property, and your economy in the ex- 
penditure of the public money ; — we have all witnessed; 
and this conduct, we assure you, has given general sat- 
isfaction to a people who, before your time, were, un- 
fortunately for them, much divided, but now united. 

"As you are now about to quit the military life, in 
which your ability and integrity have been so conspicu- 
ous, we wish you all possible happiness, and that your 
fellow-citizens may long enjoy your usefulness in civil 
life, in which, we doubt not, you will deserve their ut- 
most confidence." 

Irvine returned to his home in Carlisle, with health 
much impaired by exposures in the service. Pennsyl- 
vania was not slow to acknowledge its gratitude for his 
services, as the proceedings of its Supreme Executive 
Council clearly show. The State afterward presented 
him with Montour's (now Neville) Island, in the Ohio 
river, about six miles long, beginning about four miles 
below Pittsburg, in recognition of his labors — the title 
to which, however, he subsequently lost on account of 
the claim of another person, who held under a prior 
grant from Virginia. But the Legislature of Pennsyl- 



304 Crawford' s Expedition 

vania afterward remunerated him for his loss, by the 
donation of a valuable tract of land in another part of 
the State. 16 

Irvine was a member of the Council of Censors in 
1783 and 1784, and on the 26th of March, 1785, was 
appointed agent, by the Supreme Executive Council of 
his State, to direct the mode of distributing the dona- 
tion lands promised to the troops by the Common- 
wealth. Among the provisions made by Pennsylvania 
for the better remuneration of the army was this grant 
of a large tract of land, situate on the western side of 
the Ohio and Allegheny, and bordering on these rivers. 
As, however, few large tracts are uniformly good, so it 
was presumed that a portion of this was either of mid- 
dling or of bad quality ; and as the whole contained a sur- 
plusage, beyond what would be sufficient for the soldiers, 
the government, in the liberal spirit of the grant, created 
an agency for exploring and characterizing the different 
parts of the tract, to the end that what they did give 
should be what the law intended — a bounty to the re- 
ceiver, and not merely a surface of barren and measured 
acres. It was this agency that Irvine, at the instance of 
the troops, was called upon to fill. He was instructed 
to " note the quality of the land in the several parts 

lf > On the Allegheny river, in what is now Warren county, on which 
tract resides (1873) his worthy grandson, Dr. W. A. Irvine. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 305 

thereof; the hills, mountains, waters, creeks, marshes, 
uplands, bottom lands, etc., and such other peculiari- 
ties as may deserve notice, with their situation and dis- 
tance ; but particularly the parts of the land which you 
may deem unfit for cultivation." 

Irvine promptly undertook the duties of the office 
to which he had been appointed; and, in November, 
reported the result of his mission, receiving from the 
executive authority its entire approbation of the course 
he had pursued and the opinions he had given. Among 
the latter of these was one which, though not immediately 
connected with his official duties, was so interesting to 
the State as to merit its particular notice. He advised 
the acquisition, by purchase from the United States, 
of a small tract of land ceded to them by the State of 
New York, and which, from its shape, took the name 
of The Triangle. The negotiation was opened, on Ir- 
vine's suggestion ; and, having been successful, it gave 
to Pennsylvania a considerable front on Lake Erie. 
On closing the business of the land-agency, he was 
elected a member of Congress from the Cumberland 
district [1786-1788] under the Confederation. 

During this time the internal improvements of the 
western country engaged his attention. The published 
correspondence between him and Washington, concern- 
ing a connection of the waters of the great lakes with 
the eastern rivers and the Ohio, exhibit, in a striking 
light, not only his thorough knowledge of the country, 



306 Crawford* s Expedition 

but his sagacity in discovering, thus early, its prospective 
wants. 17 

Irvine afterward served as commissioner to lay out 
the towns of Erie, Warren, and Franklin, Pennsylvania, 
and to assist in settling the disputes in the Wyoming 
country. In 1790, he was elected a member of the 
Constitutional Convention of the State, which framed 
the constitution adopted the 2d September of that 
year; having previously served as one of the Council 
of Censors under the old constitution. The command 
of the expeditions that was afterward given to Harmar 
and St. Clair was first offered him, but declined. The 
active control of all the arrangements, both ns to men 
and material, was what he required, and, as the result 
showed, wisely too; but this it was deemed best not to 
give. Wayne subsequently demanded the same; it was 
given, and the power of the savages was forever broken 
in the Northwest. 

It was after Irvine was a member of the old Congress 
that the great national account between the several States 
and the United States, which began with the war, and 
which had not hitherto been subjected to any official 
examination, assumed a very urgent character, from the 
admitted fact that the contributions made by the several 
members of the Confederation had been unequal — 
some having given much, others little or nothing. To 

17 See Sparks' Writings of Washington, ix, 326, 445. 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 307 

relieve the embarrassments growing out of this circum- 
stance, and which every additional day had a tendency 
to multiply and aggravate, Congress proceeded to insti- 
tute a board of commissioners, with powers to examine 
and settle this mass of old and complicated business. 
Of this board General Irvine was a member ; and asso- 
ciated with him were John Kean and Woodbury Lang- 
don. The board accomplished the task in a short time, 
to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. Their la- 
bors were concluded on the 29th of June, 1793. 

Irvine was now again honored, by the voters of the 
Cumberland district, with a seat in Congress — this time 
under the new constitution [1793]- He was, however, 
a candidate for the first Congress, under the same, on a 
general ticket for eight members ; but the opposing 
candidates (Federal) were elected. The average vote in 
the State for the successful ticket was 8,021; for the 
other, 6,512. 

The next year, Irvine was appointed a commissioner, 
with Thomas McKean as associate, to act in conjunction 
with three named by the United States, in an endeavor 
to settle the difficulties of what is known, in the history 
of Western Pennsylvania, as the Whisky Insurrection. 
Negotiations failed ; and troops from Eastern Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia, amounting 
to about fourteen thousand militia, marched against the 
insurgents. Irvine was in command of the Pennsylva- 



308 Crawford's Expedition 

nia troops, under Governor Mifflin, as senior major- 
general ; and by his military skill and local knowledge, 
contributed much to the facility of the march and other 
military operations which ended in quelling the out- 
break. 

The excellent discipline of the militia under his com- 
mand was a subject of general remark at the time ; as 
the men had been hastily gathered together, and unused 
to military control. It resulted from the good sense 
and firmness of the commander. On the march out, the 
troops had committed several outrages before reaching 
Bedford. Just after leaving this place, insubordination 
culminated in one so glaring that Irvine was determined 
not to shut his eyes and let it pass without punish- 
ment — a defenseless woman had been outraged. 

The matter was laid before Governor Mifflin, who 
thought if an example was made of the perpetrators of 
the diabolical act, the militia would break up their camp 
and desert in a body. Irvine thought otherwise. "If 
you do not punish these miscreants," said he, cc I must 
beg to resign my command. I can not consent to be 
held responsible for so great a crime." Mifflin yielded. 

General Irvine called a drum-head court-martial, 
tried and sentenced two of the militia to one hundred 
lashes each. Mifflin now became alarmed, and thought 
it would not be policy to carry the sentence into execu- 
tion ; but Irvine was unyielding, and ordered out Gen- 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 309 

eral Chambers' brigade, with two field-pieces. After the 
guns were loaded, the men were whipped in presence of 
the whole army and drummed out of camp. The re- 
sult was an end to all insubordination, and a successful 
march to the seat of the insurrection. 

In 1802, after Irvine's removal from Carlisle to 
Philadelphia, he was one day walking along the street 
near his residence, when he was accosted by a man 
driving an oyster-cart. " How are you, General Ir- 
vine?" asked the stranger. "You seem to know me" 
responded Irvine, "but really I can not recall you 

to my mind." " Oh," said the man, " I know you 

well! Don't you remember the two men you had 
whipped on the western expedition ? I am one of 
them. It made a decent man of me. Now, where do 
you live? I have some very fine oysters here, and if 
you will do me the favor to accept them, I will drive 
to your house !" He had not far to drive. 

Upon the election of Thomas Jefferson to the presi- 
dency of the United States, Irvine, who had been one 
of the presidential electors, was appointed by him In- 
tendant of Military Stores — an important office, as it 
included the charge of the arsenals, ordnance, supplies 
of the army, and supervision of Indian affairs. He 
was afterward appointed President of the Pennsylvania 
Society of the Cincinnati. He died in Philadelphia of 
an inflammatory disorder on the 29th of July, 1804, 



310 Crawford 's Expedition 

universally respected. He was a zealous patriot, a judi- 
cious statesman, an able military commander; in a 
word, a careful, intelligent, and conscientious executor 
of all public trusts confided to his management; and 
was noted as a man of incorruptible integrity. 

Note. — In the April number, 1873, of that excellent periodical, 
The Historical Magazine (p. 207-209), are published, for the first 
time, letters of Irvine, Williamson, Rose, and Marshal — one from 
each, — copied from the originals in the Irvine collection — which have 
been frequently cited in the previous chapters of this work. In 
speaking of the one written by Rose, the editor (note, p. 208) says: 
" The writer of this letter, under the assumed name of 'John Rose,' 
was really a young Russian nobleman — the Baron Gustavus H. Rosen- 
thal, of Livonia — who, because of having killed another in a duel, had 
been obliged to fly from his own country, and seek safety, first in 
England and then in America. He had entered the army as a hospital 
steward ; but General Irvine, having noticed him and become inter- 
ested in his welfare, he was transferred and advanced, until, as a lieu- 
tenant, he became the aid of that officer. He served with fidelity, 
until the close of the war, without having revealed his true name or 
rank; and then, by permission, he returned to Europe; was regarded 
with favor by the Emperor Alexander; and became Grand Marshal 
of the Province of Livonia." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 311 



CHAPTER XV. 

STRAGGLERS CAPTURED BY THE SAVAGES. 

THE confusion attending the commencement of 
the retreat of the Americans from their encamp- 
ment in the grove, upon the Sandusky Plains, on the 
evening of the 5th of June, was the cause of the sep- 
aration of Crawford from his command. Just as the 
army moved off, he missed his son, John Crawford ; 
his son-in-law, William Harrison ; and William Craw- 
ford, his nephew ; l and, very naturally, at once made an 
effort to find them. He called aloud for them, but 
there was no response. His aid, too, Major Rose (he 
was called " major " by all the volunteers, although 
his real rank in the regular army was lieutenant, as we 
have already seen), was not just then by his side; so 
he called out for him also. 

At this moment, Dr. Knight came up and remarked 
to Crawford that he thought they were all ahead of 
them. He then said those he was looking for were 

1 Knight's Narr., p. 7. A typographical error in the Philadelphia 
edition of 1783 has led at this point to much confusion. "We had 
not got a quarter of a mile from the field of action," is the language 
of the narrator, " when I heard Colonel Crawford calling for his son, 
John Crawford, his son-in-law, Major Harrison, Major Rose, and 
William Crawford, his nephews.'' The letter s in the last word is 



312 Crawford' *s Expedition 

not in front, and begged Knight not to leave him. 
The doctor promised him he would not. Both waited 
and continued calling for the absent men until the 
troops had all passed them. The colonel then told the 
doctor that his horse had almost given out; that he 
could not keep up with the troops, and wished some 
of his best friends to remain with him. He then ex- 
claimed against the militia for riding off in such an 
irregular manner, and leaving some of the wounded 
behind, contrary to his orders. Presently there came 
two men riding after them, —one an old man, the other 
a lad. These were inquired of as to whether they had 
seen any of the missing men before mentioned. They 
answered in the negative. 

By this time, there was very hot firing before them ; 
near where the main body of the army was, as they 
judged. Their course was then nearly southwest. 
They had arrived near the cranberry marsh in which 
some of the volunteers were . struggling, in vain en- 
deavors to disengage their horses from the oozy soil. 
Crawford and his three companions now changed their 
course to the north, traveling in that direction about two 
miles. They were then in what is now Crane town- 

an error of the printer ; for no one knew better than Dr. Knight that 
Rose was not a relative of Crawford. The peculiar construction of 
the sentence naturally led to the mistake, and hence the gallant young 
Russian Baron has passed, in all the current histories of these events, 
as a nephew of Colonel Crawford. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 313 

ship, Wyandot county, about a mile and a half north- 
west of the battle-ground. 

At this point, judging themselves to be out of the 
enemy's lines, they cha'nged their route, traveling due 
east, taking care to keep at a distance of fifteen or 
twenty yards apart, and directing themselves by the 
north star. They reached the Sandusky river, distant 
three miles, a little before midnight, crossing that stream 
just above the mouth of Negro run, a small affluent of 
the Sandusky, flowing from the eastward. 

The old man who was with them often lagged be- 
hind ; and, when this happened, he never failed to call 
for those in front to halt for him. When they were 
near the river, he fell one hundred yards behind, and 
called out, as usual, for the party to wait. While the 
others were preparing to reprimand him for making a 
noise, an Indian was heard to halloo, at a distance of 
about one hundred and fifty yards, as believed by 
Knight, from the man, and partly behind him. After 
this, he was not heard to call again, and they saw him 
no more. 

They then traveled onward, soon passing into what 
is now Eden township, in the county last mentioned. 
By daylight, they had crossed into the present county 
of Crawford, at a point about two miles northwest of 
the spot where the town of Oceola, in Todd township, 
is now located, — only eight miles distant, in a direct 
line, from the battle-field. Their progress had neces- 



314 Crawford's Expedition 

sarily been slow on account of the darkness, and the 
jaded condition of their horses ; those that Crawford 
and the young man were riding now gave out, and they 
left them. 

They again continued their journey — in a direction, 
however, more to the southeast. At two o'clock in 
the afternoon, they fell in with Captain Biggs, who 
had carried Lieutenant Ashley from the field of action, 
dangerously wounded. Traveling an hour longer, the 
heavy rain set in, which has been previously described; 
and they concluded it was best to encamp, as they were 
now incumbered with the wounded officer. It was just 
as they came up with Biggs and Ashley that the battle 
of Olentangy commenced — particulars of which have 
already been narrated. The battle-field was at a point 
in the Plains six miles distant, in a southeast direction. 
The place where the party made their camp was in what 
is now Holmes township, Crawford county, nearly two 
miles north of Bucyrus. They had traveled only 
about nine miles since daylight. They were in the 
woods and had been ever since midnight; the open 
country was two miles to the south of them. 

The next morning they started on their course devi- 
ating still more to the southeast, passing through a 
portion of what is now the township of Liberty, in the 
last-mentioned county; and, after crossing the San- 
dusky river again, they passed into the present town- 
ship of Whetstone, in the same county. They had 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 315 

traveled about three miles, when a deer was found which 
had been recently killed. The meat was sliced from 
the bones, and tied up in the skin ; a tomahawk lay 
beside it. They carried all with them ; and, in ad- 
vancing about one mile further, espied the smoke of a 
fire. They immediately gave the wounded officer into 
the charge of the young man, desiring him to stay be- 
hind ; while the residue of the company walked up as 
cautiously as they could toward the fire. When they 
came to it, they concluded, from several circumstances, 
that some of their own men had encamped there the 
previous night. 

They then went about roasting the venison ; after- 
ward, just as they were about to march, a volun- 
teer was observed coming upon their tracks. He 
seemed, at first, very shy ; but, after being called to, 
came up, and told them he was the one who had killed 
the deer ; but, upon hearing them come up, was afraid 
of Indians, hid it in a thicket, and made off. Upon 
this they gave him some bread and roasted venison, 
and proceeded all together on their journey. 

About two o'clock they came upon the paths by 
which the army had gone out. They were now in the 
present township of Jefferson, Crawford county, a mile 
and a half down the Sandusky river from the present 
site of Leesville, and on the south side of the stream, 
just at the point where, on the afternoon of the 2d, — 
it was now the 7th of June, — the army had left its 



3 1 6 Crawford's Expedition 



banks and bore away in a southwest direction for the 
Plains. Knight and Biggs did not think it safe to 
keep the trace made by the troops ; but Crawford said 
the Indians would not follow the army beyond the 
open country, which they were then considerably past. 
Had they reached this point nine hours sooner, they 
would have marched directly into the enemy's camp ! 

As Lieutenant Ashley was still riding Biggs' horse, 
Knight now lent the latter his. Crawford and the 
doctor, both on foot, went about one hundred yards 
in front, Biggs and the wounded officer in the center, 
and the two young men behind. They were now 
traveling along the south bank of the Sanduskv, 
and a mile and a halt brought them to the point just 
east of Leesville, where the army, when outward 
bound, first struck the river. Here several Indians 
started up within fifteen or twenty steps of Crawford 
and Knight, As only three were at first discovered, 
the doctor got behind a large black oak, made ready 
his piece, and raised it to take sight, when Crawford 
called to him twice not to fire. 

One of the Indians ran up to Crawford and took him 
by the hand. The colonel again told Knight not to 
fire, but to put down his gun, which he did. At that 
instant one of the Indians came up to him, whom he 
had formerly seen very often, calling him " doctor," and 
taking him by the hand. The party had fallen into an 
ambuscade of Delaware Indians, whose chief was Win- 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 317 

genund, 2 and whose camp was only half a mile away, in 
a northeast direction — Wingenund's camp, previously 
mentioned, distant twenty-eight miles in a straight 
line east of the battle-field. As soon as the Indians 
were discovered by Biggs he fired among them, but did 
no execution. ff They then told us to call these peo- 
ple," says Knight, "and make them come there, else 
they would go and kill them, which the colonel did; 
but the four got off and escaped for that time. The 
colonel and I were then taken to the Indian camp." 3 
Captives to the Delaware Indians, we will leave Craw- 
ford and Knight at this point, to follow the fortunes of 
other stragglers from the army on the night of the 5th 
of June. 



2 " Delaware Indians of the Wingenim tribe," is the language of 
Knight; but the misspelling of Indian proper names has ever been a 
very common occurrence. 

3 The capture of Crawford and Knight is mentioned by Hecke- 
welder (Hist. Ind. Nations), immediately following a very summary 
disposal of the operations of the Americans upon the Sandusky Plains. 
After noticing their arrival in the Sandusky country, whither they 
had come to murder, as he says, the remnant of the Christian Indians, 
and depicting their disappointment in finding nothing but empty huts 
of the "believing Indians," he adds: " They then shaped their course 
toward the hostile Indian villages; where being, contrary to their ex- 
pectations, furiouslv attacked, Williamson and his band took the advan- 
tage of a dark night and ran off, and the whole party escaped, except 
one Crawford and another." Veracious historian ! 



3 1 8 Crawford 's Expedition 

It will be remembered, that when the army left the 
grove on the evening the retreat began, three divisions, 
in marching around the camp of the Shawanese, struck 
the marsh that lay to the southwest of the battle-field, 
and that some of the men there lost their horses, which 
had stuck fast in the mire. Among those who were un- 
fortunate in this respect were John Slover, the pilot, 
and James Paull. These men, with five others, all now 
on foot, being pressed by the savages, struck off to- 
gether in a northerly direction, hoping thereby, as had 
Crawford and Knight, to avoid the enemy by taking a 
different direction from that followed by the army. 
Two of the party, who had been in the same company 
with Slover, had lost their guns in the swamp. 

The men kept on their course north, until near the 
Tymochtee creek ; when, just before day, they got into 
a morass, and were under the necessity of waiting until 
it was light to see their way through. They now, for 
some unaccountable reason, instead of traveling east- 
ward, thereby avoiding, to a great extent, all trails of 
the savages, and, at the same time, pursuing a direction 
toward their homes, took a course to the southwest, 
and throughout the day traveled along the western edge 
of the Plains, gradually, however, getting more to the 
eastward. 

At about ten o'clock in the forenoon, they sat down 
to eat a little. A scrap of pork to each man was all 
their supply. They had halted, unsuspectingly, near an 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 319 

Indian trace. Soon several warriors were discovered 
coming on the trail. The men ran off hastily, leaving 
their baggage and provisions ; but, fortunately, were 
not discovered. After skulking some time in the grass 
and bushes, they returned and recovered their food and 
other articles. The savages hallooed as they passed, 
and were answered by others on the flanks of the Amer- 
cans. <{ The foremost Indian in the file," says Paull, 
<c halted, which brought all the others to a stop. They 
now all looked around and listened. After a lapse of 
a few moments, the one in front started off, whistling, 
and the rest followed." 4 

About twelve o'clock, they discovered another party 
of Indians in front of them; but, again skulking in 
the grass and bushes, they were n*ot discovered. In the 
afternoon, the furious rain-storm which has been pre- 
viously noticed, came on, and the party halted. The 
sudden change in the temperature was remarkable — ■ 
"the coldest rain I ever felt," says Slover. Afterward 
they saw other Indians at a distance, but had the good 
fortune again to be passed undiscovered. 

During the night they got out of the Plains, having 
crossed the paths made by the army in its advance, 
at a point about five miles east of the present site 
of Bucyrus." They had traversed nearly the entire 

4 James Paull's Recollections of Crawford's campaign; communi- 
cated to Robert A. Sherrard, in January, 1826 : MS. Slover puts the 
number of Indians at " eight or nine ; " Paull, at twenty-five. 



320 Crawford's Expedition 

length of the open country — about forty miles from the 
Tymochtee creek by the route traveled ; not very rapid 
walking, it is true; ct but we would have made much 
greater progress," is the conjecture of Slover, "had it 
not been for two of our companions who were lame: 
the one having his foot burnt ; the other being troubled 
with a swelling in his knee of a rheumatic nature." 

The party struck the woodland near the northeast 
corner of what is now Whetstone township, Crawford 
county, designing, very wisely, to keep north of the 
trail of the army, and to come in to Fort Pitt by way 
of Fort Mcintosh — the mouth of Beaver. 5 After trav- 
eling a few miles further into the woods, in a northerly 
direction, they changed their course due east, leaving 
the present sites of Crestline and Mansfield some dis- 
tance to the south of them. 

During the day — the 7th of June, and the second 
after the retreat began — one of the company, the person 
affected with a rheumatic swelling, was left behind some 
distance in a swamp. " Waiting for him some time," 
is the language of Slover, cc I saw him coming within 
one hundred yards, as I sat on the body of an old tree 
mending my moccasins ; but, taking my eye from him, 
I saw him no more. He had not observed our tracks, 
but had gone a different way. We whistled on our 

5 The language of Slover is — " to come in by the Tuscarawas." By 
this is meant the route crossing that river above the mouth of Sandy 
creek; as all below that point was then known as the Muskingum. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 321 

chargers, and afterward hallooed for him, but in vain." 
He was fortunate, however, in missing his party, as he 
afterward arrived safe at Wheeling. 

The party traveled on until night, having reached the 
streams flowing into the Mohican about noon of that 
day. 6 In the evening they had their second meal 
since the retreat began. One of their number had 
caught a fawn during the day, and its flesh, broiled by 
the fire, made them an excellent repast. They en- 
camped for the night within the limits of what is now 
Ashland county. 

It has been mentioned that one of the party was 
lame with a burnt foot. This was James Paull. The 
accident happened in this wise: In making prepara- 
tions, on the afternoon of the 5th, for the retreat of 
the army, among other duties many of the men en- 
gaged in baking bread; and, in doing so, some of 
them had made use of a spade, which served as a kind 
of bake-pan for them. This had been picked up, by 
one of the volunteers on the march out, at the wasted 
Moravian town, and carried along to be used for that 
purpose. After the last loaf had been baked the spade 
was thrown aside hot, and was stepped upon by young 
Paull. As his moccasin was worn through on the sole, 
his foot was severely burnt. 7 

6 a w e t rave ] ec l on until night, and were on the waters of the Mus- 
kingum from the middle of this day." — Slover. The waters of the 
Mohican flow into the Muskingum through the Walhonding. 

7 MS. of Robert A, Sherrard: January, 1826. 



322 Crawford's Expedition 

The six men started at daybreak the next morning, 
and at nine o'clock were within about twenty miles of the 
Tuscarawas, in what is now Wayne county. Here they 
were ambuscaded by a party of Shawanese who had fol- 
lowed their path all the way from the Sandusky Plains. 
The Indians killed two of the men at the first fire. 
Paull was untouched, and, notwithstanding his burnt 
foot, ran for life and escaped. Slover and the other 
two men were made prisoners. Strange to say, one 
of the Indians was of the party which captured Slover 
when a boy, in Virginia. He was recognized by him ; 
came up and spoke to him, calling him by his Indian 
name — Mannucothe. He upbraided him, however, 
for coming to war against them. 

The three prisoners were taken back to the Plains, 
where the Indians had some horses they had taken 
which had belonged to the Americans. These were 
found ; and after the whole party had mounted, they 
started for the Shawanese towns upon the Mad river, 
in what is now Logan county. s On the third day after 
their capture, they came in sight of a small Indian vil- 
lage. Hitherto, the savages had treated their prisoners 

8 It has been asserted that Slover and his companions were taken to 
the Shawanese towns on the Scioto, in what is now Pickaway county. — 
Howe's His. Coll. Ohio, p. 404. This is erroneous ; as Slover particu- 
larly mentions that the towns were fifty mites from the Scioto. Tay- 
lor, in his History of Ohio, p. 387, gives the correct location — the 
Shawanese towns upon the Mad river. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 323 

kindly, giving them a little meat and flour to eat, 
which they had found or taken from other captives. 
Now, however, the Indians began to look sour. The 
town they were approaching was not far from Wapatom- 
ica, 9 their principal village — situated just below what is 
now Zanesfield, in Logan county- — to which the savages 
intended to take their prisoners. We will here leave 
the three unfortunate borderers, for the present, to 
narrate other incidents which transpired upon the San- 
dusky, after the enemy relinquished their pursuit of 
the retreating army. 

Note i. — I have frequently consulted the published narratives of 
Knight and Slover in the preparation of this and the following chap- 
ters — the one relating to James Paull (Chapter XVII) alone excepted. 
The original edition was printed at Philadelphia, as previously men- 
tioned, in 1783. Copies of that date are exceedingly rare. Subse- 
quent, but imperfect, editions have been published from time to time. 
A small one was printed at Nashville, in 1843, and there is a Cincin- 
nati reprint of this, of 1867. 

James Bailey, the printer and publisher of the Philadelphia edition, 
was, at that time, the printer of The Freeman's Journal — a newspaper 
of that city. A memoir of Slover, which appears in later editions, is 
not in the original. In the latter, is the following address by the 
publisher " To the Public :" 

" The two following Narratives [Knight's and Slover's] were trans- 
mitted for publication, in September last [1 782] ; but shortly afterward, 

9 Called by Slover, Wachatomakak ; at least so written down by 

Brackenridge. See Slovens Narr., p. 20. " Wapatomica was on Mad 

river on a farm I once owned." — Notes to the author, by John H. 
James, Esq., of Urbana, O. : 1873. 



324 Crawford's Expedition 

the letters from Sir Guy Carlton, to his Excellency, General Washing- 
ton, informing that the savages had received orders to desist from their 
incursions, gave reason to hope that there would be an end to their bar- 
barities. For this reason, it was not thought necessary to hold up to 
view what they had heretofore done. But as they still continue their 
murders on our frontier, these Narratives may be serviceable to in- 
duce our government to take some effectual steps to chastise and sup- 
press them; as from hence, they will see that the nature of an Indian 
is fierce and cruel, and that an extirpation of them would be useful to 
the world, and honorable to those who can effect it." 

Immediately following the address is this letter : 

"Mr. Bailey: Enclosed are two Narratives, one of Dr. Knight, 
who acted as Surgeon in the expedition under Col. Crawford, the 
other of John Slover. That of Dr. Knight was written by himself 
at my request ; that of Slover was taken by myself from his mouth as 
he related it. This man, from his childhood, lived amongst the In- 
dians ; though perfectly sensible and intelligent, yet he can not write. 
The character of Dr. Knight is well known to be that of a good man, 
of strict veracity, of a calm and deliberate mind, and using no exaggera- 
tion in his account of any matter. As a testimony in favor of the 
veracity of Slover, I thought proper to procure a certificate from the 
clergyman to whose church he belongs, and which I give below. 

" These Narratives you will please publish in your useful paper or in 
any other way you may judge proper. I conceive the publication of 
them may answer a good end, in showing America what have been the 
sufferings of some of her citizens by the hands of the Indian allies 
of Britain. To these Narratives, I have subjoined some Observa- 
tions which you may publish or omit as it may be convenient. 

" H. Brackenridge. 

"Pittsburg, Aug. 3, 1782." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. . 325 

\_Certijicate of the Clergyman^ 

" I do hereby certify that John Siover has been for many years a 

regular member of the church under my care, and is worthy of the 

highest credit. 

" William Reno." (a) 

Brackenridge, to whom the world is indebted for the narratives of 
Knight and Siover, was an eminent lawyer and author of Pittsburg, 
from 1 78 1 , until his death in 1816. The last fifteen years of his life, 
he was one of the judges of the Supreme Court. He was noted for 
his talents, learning, and eccentricity. He was the author of** Modern 
Chivalry," "Incidents of the Whisky Insurrection," and other works 
The Observations he speaks of, in his letter to Mr. Bailey, were 
printed by the latter, with the narratives of Knight and Siover. They 
are, as the writer quaintly calls them, " Observations with regard to • 
the animals, vulgarly styled Indians." They contain, however, noth- 
ing in relation to the expedition against Sandusky. 

The narrative of Knight, up to the commencement of the retreat 
of the army, contains little that is not suppliable from other sources ; 
after that event, however, his account of what he saw and suffered, is 
exceedingly valuable and complete. 

Knight throws no light, of course, upon the retreat of the army ; * 
neither does Siover. The narrative of the latter is not as well con- 
nected as that of the former; yet, of the general truthfulness of his 
story, there can be no question.. Both narratives, it may be premised, / 
were written immediately after the return of these men from captivity. 
There was no printing done in Pittsburg until the establishment and 
issuing of the Pittsburg Gazette, in July, 1786; hence, the publica- 
tion of the pamphlet in Philadelphia. 

I have carefully examined all the statements I could find, either in 
manuscript or in print, said to have been made by Knight and Siover 
after their return, which are not found in their narratives, and have 

(a) An Episcopalian. 



326 Crawford *s Expedition 

noted several incidents additional to those incorporated therein. Most 
of these were obtained from them by western correspondents of the 
Philadelphia newspapers of 1782. Some have been embodied in 
the chapters following. 

Note 2. — There is a tradition current in the upper portions of the 
Sandusky valley, that the spot where Crawford was captured, was 
several miles northwest of Leesville, near the Cranberry marsh, in 
Cranberry township, Crawford county. This has obtained currency, 
doubtless, from the remark of Knight {Narr., p. 7), as to the course 
taken by his party soon after the retreat began. ''Judging ourselves to 
be now out of the enemy's lines," says the doctor, " we took a due 
east course." This direction, bad it been continued, would have brought 
the party to the point indicated by the tradition ; but their course was 
soon after changed, as has been stated. Besides, Knight expressly says 
(p. 8) that they were captured on the trail made by the army in its 
outward march ; and further, that the spot " was about half a mile " 
from the Indian camp (p. 9). 

It has formerly been supposed by some that the place of Crawford's 
capture was farther east than Leesville — at or near what is now known 
as Spring Mills, in Richland county. This belief was based entirely 
upon the supposition (already shown to be erroneous) that the Wyan- 
dot Old Town and the winter-quarters of the Moravian Indians were 
located up the Sandusky river as far as the present town of Bucyrus 
{Taylor's His. Ohio, p. 381) ; or, at least, as far up as the mouth of the 
Broken Sword (Schweinitz? Life of Zeisberger, p. 516, note). Now, 
as the party were ambushed "about thirty-three miles distant" from 
Sandusky, which was only eight miles below these localities, as stated 
by Knight (p. 9), therefore, the surprise and capture, it was reasoned, 
must have occurred a considerable distance from Leesville. 



Against Sandusky , 1782. 327 



CHAPTER XVI. 

CAPTIVES IN THE WILDERNESS — INDIAN BARBARITIES. 

IT was, as before related, on the morning of the 7th 
of June, and just west of the site of the present 
town of Crestline, that the enemy fired their last shot 
at the retreating army under Williamson. Upon the 
relinquishment of the pursuit, the allied forces imme- 
diately returned to the Half King's town, distant about 
thirty-four miles by the Indian trace, which ran along 
almost due west from Wingenund's camp, passing just 
to the north of the spot where Leesville is now located, 
and along a little to the south of Bucyrus — crossing 
the river two miles below the latter place ; leading 
thence through the woods to Upper Sandusky Old 
Town, and then eight miles further down the stream, 
as previously shown, to the village of the great sachem 
of the Wyandots. 

Great were the rejoicings — wild the dances — fierce the 
yells — upon the return of the savages. But the British 
troops having accomplished the object of their march to 
the Sandusky — aiding their allies to repel the Americans 
— did not stop to join in the festivities; they immediately 
returned to Detroit. Leith, who had remained at Lower 
Sandusky awaiting the issues of the contest, now that 
the invaders were gone, returned with his goods to 



328 Crawford 's Expedition 

the Half King's town and again began his traffic with 
the Indians. 

No sooner had the warriors returned from their pur- 
suit of the Americans than the squaws and children 
came forth from their hiding-place to join them in their 
savage exultation. In the towns upon the Mad river 
and the Miami, intense anxiety had prevailed among 
the women before the result became known. When, 
however, the men returned with scalps and other tro- 
phies, their joy was unbounded. 1 

Among the spoils gathered up by the Indians was a 
number of horses — some that had given out upon the 
retreat ; some whose riders had been shot ; but princi- 
pally those stuck fast in the swamp near the battle- 
ground of the 4th of June. Lashing-ropes, 2 halters, 
saddles, guns, knapsacks, cooking utensils, and other 
articles, were found. A broken sword picked up on the 
bank of one of the creeks, gave name to the stream. 3 

1 Alder MS.: Howe's His. Co//. Ohio, 334, 335. 

2 The statement of Heckewelder (Narr. Miss. 337) is that "many 
bundles of ropes, and ready-made halters, to take off the plunder and 
horses which would fall into their hands, were collected in the prairie. 
It seemed that they [the Americans] calculated on taking much booty 
home with them ; but finding themselves mistaken, they chose rather 
to lose their baggage, than run the risk of losing their lives." (!) 

3 Communicated by William Walker: 1872. There is a tradition 
lingering in the Sandusky country to the effect that Crawford was cap_ 
tured upon the Broken Sword creek; that, in his rage, he broke bis 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 329 

As soon as the first wild uproar and frenzy at the 
Half King's town had subsided, Captain Pipe and 
Wingenund sent a runner to the camp where Craw- 
ford and the other prisoners were held, to have them 
brought on to the Delaware town upon the Tymochtee. 
Their doom was sealed ; but, as the sequel will show, 
all were not to suffer alike. They were, however, kept 
in ignorance of the fate awaiting them. 4 

As the burning of prisoners was an obsolete custom 
with the Wyandots, the Delawares did not dare to in- 
flict the death penalty in that manner upon their terri- 
tory without obtaining permission from the Half 
King (the Delawares were tenants at will in the San- 
dusky country, under the Wyandots). But the ques- 
tion in the minds of The Pipe and Wingenund was, 
how can the consent of Pomoacan be obtained ? The 

sword rather than give it up ; and that this circumstance gave name to 
the stream. This story, of course, is without foundation in fact. 

On some of the early Ohio maps, the Broken Sword* is put down 
as "Crooked-knife creek." — See Hough and Bournes Map of Ohio; 
1815. 

There is yet another tradition concerning the broken sword, to the 
effect that during one of the councils held by the officers of the armv, 
one of them struck his sword into a stump, breaking it in two pieces ; 
and that this should have occurred upon the banks of this creek. But 
the army was not upon the Broken Sword at all ; — and, of course, no 
council was held upon its banks. 

4 " In future" they were assured, " all prisoners taken were to be 
tortured." — Irvine to Washington, nth Ju/y, 1782. 



330 Crawford 's Expedition 

two war-chiefs had. decreed that the American com- 
mander should be tortured to death. 

Fearing a refusal if application direct was made to the 
Wyandot sachem, the two Delawares resorted to strata- 
gem. A messenger, bearing a belt of wampum, was 
dispatched to the Half King with the following mes- 
sage : ' c Uncle ! We, your nephews, the Lenni Lenape, 5 
salute you in a spirit of kindness, love, and respect. 
Uncle ! We have a project in view which we ardently 
wish to accomplish, and can accomplish if our uncle 
will not overrule us ! By returning the wampum, we 
will have your pledged word /" 

Pomoacan was somewhat puzzled at this mysterious 
message. He questioned the messenger, who, having 
been previously instructed by The Pipe and Winge- 
nund, feigned ignorance. The Half King, concluding 
it was a contemplated expedition of a Delaware war- 
party intending to strike some of the white settle- 
ments, returned the belt to the bearer with the word — 
cc Say to my nephews, they have my pledge." 6 This 
was a death-warrant to the unfortunate Crawford. 

It was three o'clock in the afternoon of Friday, the 
7th of June, that Crawford and Knight were led cap- 
tives to Wingenund's camp. On Sunday evening fol- 
lowing, five Delawares, who had posted themselves 
some distance on the road of the army, east, brought to 

5 A name sometimes applied to the Delawares. 

6 Communicated by William Walker: 1872. 









Against Sandusky, 1782. 331 

the camp the scalps of Captain Biggs and Lieutenant 
Ashley; likewise, an Indian scalp taken by the former 
upon the field of battle. These Indians also brought 
in the horses of Knight and Biggs. The two young 
men who ran off when Crawford and Knight were taken, 
again escaped the savages. 

The Delawares had nine other prisoners at their camp 
besides Crawford and Knight; all securely guarded, and 
with very little to eat. John McKinly, formerly an 
officer in the Thirteenth Virginia regiment, was one of 
the captives. Several of the Indians spoke English 
quite fluently. Some were personally known both to 
Crawford and Knight. All very soon learned that the 
former was the commander of the expedition — the £C Big 
Captain" of the Americans. 7 This information had 
been immediately carried to The Pipe and Wingenund, 
at the Half King's place. Some of the Delawares 
at the camp were Christian Indians from the Mus- 
kingum, who, it is inferred, had gone back into heathen- 
ism. Two of these, who were personally known to 
Knight, brought in scalps of the volunteers. 8 

On Monday morning, the 10th of June, the pris- 
oners were all paraded to march, as they were told, to 

7 The Indian tradition that the Delawares believed the " Big Cap- 
tain " they had captured was none other than Williamson, is not to be 
credited. Crawford was well known to many of the now hostile 
Delawares. 

8 Irvine to Moore, 5th [4th] July, 1782. 



33 2 Crawford' s Expedition 

Sandusky — the Half King's town — about thirty-three 
miles distant, by way of the Indian trail. There were 
seventeen Delawares having the captives in charge. 
They carried with them the scalps of four white men. 

Crawford had been told that Simon Girty, who, it 
will be remembered, was an old acquaintance, was at the 
Half King's village; and being very desirous to see 
him, was permitted to go to the town the same night, 
with two warriors to guard him ; the rest of the pris- 
oners were to go no farther than Upper Sandusky Old 
Town that day. Crawford's guards had orders to go 
by the route taken by him from the battle-field, that 
they might, if possible, find the horses he and the 
young man had been compelled to leave behind, on 
the morning after the retreat began. 9 

The prisoners were all marched together on the trace 
leading west, for three miles, when Crawford and his 
two guards struck off to the right — in a northwest 
direction, while the others were taken on to the Old 
Town. The point where they separated was about 
eight miles almost due east from the present town of 
Bucyrus, — in what is now Jefferson township, Craw- 
ford county. 

Crawford reached the Half King's town some time 
during the night, and had an interview with Girty. 
Very little has been preserved of their conversation.. 

9 The desire to recover these horses was probably the reason why 
Crawford was allowed to go on to the Half King's town. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. ^33 

"Tom Jelloway," 10 as he was called, a Christian Indian 
from the Muskingum, speaking pretty plain English 
and French, was near and heard what was said. 11 
Enough was reported by this Indian to Captain Pipe 
and Wingenund, who were in the village, to convince 
them that Crawford had made an earnest appeal for his 
safety. He offered Girty a thousand dollars to save 
him ; and the white savage promised, with no inten- 
tion of keeping his word, to do everything in his 
power. Crawford's offer of money only made the two 
Delaware chiefs more determined against him. 

Crawford clearly saw that the Indians, particularly 
The Pipe, were very much enraged against the pris- 
oners. Girty informed the Colonel that William Harri- 
son and young William Crawford were made prisoners 
by the Shawanese, but had been pardoned at their towns. 
This information was true as to their capture, but false 
as to their lives being spared. The Wyandots had a 
few prisoners at their town ; what became of them is 
entirely unknown — tradition, even, is silent, concerning 
them. They were probably, soon after the visit of 
Crawford, tomahawked and their heads stuck upon 
poles, as was the usual custom of the Indians. It is 

10 In Schweinitz's Life of Zeisberger, this Indian is spoken of as Job 
or William Chillaway. William Walker, in a communication before 
me, says: "This Jelloway I remember seeing frequently at our 
house:" MS. letter — 1872. 

11 Communicated by William Walker: 1872. 



334 Crawford's Expedition 

certain they were not tortured to death ; as the Wyan- 
dots were more merciful, in this respect, than their 
allies, as has already been explained. 

Knight and his nine fellow-prisoners reached the Old 
Town late in the afternoon, as they had to travel a dis- 
tance, from Wingenund's camp, of twenty-five miles. 
Here they were securely guarded during the night. 
Early in the morning — Tuesday, June iith, the two 
Delaware chiefs, Captain Pipe and Wingenund, came 
up the river to them, from the Half King's town ; and 
the former, with his own hands, painted the faces of all the 
prisoners black! As he was painting Knight, he told him 
(the war-chief spoke very good English) he should go 
to the Shawanese towns and see his friends : Knight 
knew but too well the ominous import of these words, 
notwithstanding the blandness of the wily savage. 

About an hour after, Crawford also arrived up the 
river, whither he had been brought, as he had been told, 
to march into the Half King's village with the other 
prisoners. The two Delaware chiefs, who had avoided 
seeing him at the town below, now came forward and 
greeted him : he was personally known to both. They 
had frequently seen each other before the disaffection of 
the clan to which these two Indians belonged. At the 
treaty of the 17th of September, 1778, at Fort Pitt, 
between the Delawares and the American government, 
Crawford and The Pipe were present, each taking part 
in the negotiations, and each signing the articles agreed 



Against Sandusky, 1782. ^35 

upon. 12 The dissembling war-chief told the Colonel he 
was glad to see him, and that he would have him 
shaved — that is, adopted as an Indian — when he came 
to see his friends, the prisoners, at the Wyandot town ; 
but, at the same time, he painted him black ! 

The whole party now started on the trail leading to 
the village of the Wyandots, eight miles below; but, 
as the march began, Crawford and Knight were kept 
back, guarded by The Pipe and Wingenund. They 
were soon ordered forward ; but had not traveled far, 
before they saw four of their comrades lying by the 
path tomahawked and scalped ; some of them were at 
a distance of a half a mile from the others. The Dela- 
ware chiefs guarded well their two prisoners to the 
springs where Upper Sandusky now stands, when, to 
their dismay, another trail, than the one leading to the 
village of the Wyandots, was taken. Their course 
was now to the northwest, toward the Delaware town 
upon the Tymochtee, instead of to the northeast in the 
direction of Sandusky. If any spark of hope had been 
kept alive in the breasts of the two captives, it must now 
have been extinguished. Onward they marched between 
their two guards, who seemed determined to make sure 
of their victims. ' 

Passing out of what is now Crane township into the 
present township of Salem, they soon reached the 

12 Treaties between the United States and the Several Indian Tribes. 
Washington: Langrree and O'Sullivan. 1837, p. 1. 



336 Crawford's Expedition 

Little Tymochtee creek, where they overtook the five 
prisoners that remained alive. 13 The Indians now 
caused all their captives to sit down on the ground — 
Crawford and Knight with the rest ; the two last, how- 
ever, some distance from the others. Knight was then 
given in charge of one of the Indians to be taken, on 
the morrow, to the Shawanese towns. 

At the place they had halted, there were a number of 
squaws and boys, who now fell on the five prisoners 
and tomahawked them all. An old squaw cut off the 
head of John McKinly, and kicked it about upon the 
ground. The young Indian fellows came often where 
Crawford and Knight were, and dashed the reeking 
scalps in their faces. 

Again the march began. They were in what is 
now Crawford township, they were soon met by Simon 
Girty and several Indians, on horseback. The former, 
well knowing what was to be the fate of Crawford, had 
come from the Half King's town across the Plains to 
The Pipe's village, to be present upon the arrival of 
the two Delaware chiefs with their prisoners, but, becom- 
ing impatient, had started out on the trail to meet the 
savages and their captives. He rode up to Craw- 
ford and spoke to him ; but did not inform him 

1 
13 Knight makes the distance from this point to the Delaware town 

a little over a mile. This he afterward corrects, but in such a manner 

as to leave it in doubt where they came up with the others. Tradition 

fixes the place at the Little Tymochtee creek. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 337 

of the determination of The Pipe and Wingenund. 
At this point the two prisoners had become separated, 
Crawford being about one hundred and fifty yards in 
advance of Knight. 

Girty had promised, it will be remembered, at the 
meeting with Crawford the night previous at the Half 
King's home, to do all he could for him ; but that 
promise, as we have seen, he did not intend to keep ; 
for now, at his first meeting with the Delaware chiefs 
since parting with Crawford, he made not the slightest 
effort in his behalf. 14 Nor is there any reason for be- 
lieving, that he could have made any impression upon 
either The Pipe or Wingenund, had he been inclined 
to make the trial. 

14 That Girty did not intercede with The Pipe or Wingenund to 
save the life of Crawford, there can be no doubt. In The American 
Pioneer (vol. ii, 283), there is a sequel, by McCutchen, given to the 
Wyandot tradition concerning the battle of Sandusky — relating the 
particulars of an intercession of this white savage in behalf of the 
American commander, which is as absurd as that part of the story 
already given. It is as follows: 

" Crawford was taken by a Delaware : consequently the Delawares 
claimed the right, agreeably to their rules, of disposing of the prisoner. 
There was a council held, and the decision was to burn him. He was 
taken to the main Delaware town, on a considerable creek called 
Tymochtee. about eight miles from the mouth. Girty then supposed 
he could make a speculation by saving Crawford's life. He made a 
proposition to Captain Pipe, the head chief of the Delawares, offering 
three hundred and fifty dollars for Crawford. The chief received it 
as a. great insult, and promptly said to Girty, * Sir, do you think I am a 



33 8 Crawford's Expedition 

The two war-chiefs of the Delawares were the arch- 
enemies of the Americans. They had been, as we have 
seen, the prime movers in the alienation of their tribe 
from its neutral policy. They drew with them from 
the Muskingum the war-faction, which not only set up 
its lodges upon the banks of the Sandusky and Ty- 
mochtee, but also formed a close alliance with the 
British Indians. Besides, in the battles just fought, 
several of their bravest warriors had been killed. It is 
not surprising, therefore, that no mercy was to be 
shown the prisoners who had fallen into their hands. 

How far a spirit of retaliation for the massacre at 
Gnadenhiitten prompted (if at all) the barbarities in- 
flicted upon the prisoners that were tomahawked, or 
caused the stern decree of a cruel death against Craw- 
ford, is the merest conjecture. <c It has been said," 
wrote Brackenridge in July following, cc that the put- 
ting to death the Moravian Indians has been the cause 
of the cruelties practiced upon the prisoners taken at 
Sandusky. But though 'this has been made an ex- 
cuse by the refugees amongst the savages and by the 



squaw? If you say one word more on the subject, I will make a 
stake for you, and burn you along with the white chief.' Girty, 
knowing the Indian character, retired and said no more on the subject. 
But, in the meantime, Girty had sent runners to the Mohican creek 
and to Lower* Sandusky, where there were some white traders, to come 
immediately and purchase Crawford — knowing that he could make a 
great speculation in case he could save Crawford's life. The traders 
came on, but too late." 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 339 

British, yet it must be well known that it has been the 
custom of the Indians at all times." 15 

While at Wingenund's camp, Dr. Knight was in- 
formed by the Moravian Delawares present, who had 
taken up the hatchet against the Americans, that, in 
juture, not a single soul should escape torture ; and 
gave, as a reason, the Moravian affair upon the Mus- 
kingum. ID This fact was afterward made known to Ir- 
vine at Fort Pitt, who, supposing it to have come from 

15 Stover's Narr., p. 3c, note. 

16 Various have been the reflections upon the supposed retaliation of 
the Delawares. By the Moravian writers the act is generally consid- 
ered in the light of — " Vengeance is mine ; I will repay, saith the 
Lord." "It was the cry of vengeance for the Christian Delawares 
slaughtered at Gnadenhutten, which was raided bv Pipe on the banks 
of the Tymochtee, drowning every appeal or suggestion of mercy for 
one so estimable as all cotemporarv accounts represent Col. William 
Crawford to have been." — 'James W. Taylor, Hist. Ohio, p 388. " It 
has been regarded as an inscrutable act of Providence, that Crawford 
should fall into the hands of the savages, exasperated by the murder of 
the Moravians, and suffer tortures unheard of in the annals of men. as 
a consequence of Williamson's wickedness and ferocity." — Ckas. Whit- 
tlesey, in Amer. Pioneer, vol. ii, p. 425. " But the disastrous result [of 
the expedition] was a terrible example of retribution, where the white 
man forgetting mercy, became himself the victim of savage ven- 
geance." — Early Hist, of West. Penn., Pittsburg, Pa.. 1846. p. 209. 
" In it [the expedition] may be seen something marvellously like a 
retributive dispensation of Divine justice, except that the most guilty 
of the Moravian marauders escaped, while the innocent were falling 
in their places." — J. R. Dodge, Red Men of the Ohio Valley, p. 285. 



34° Crawford's Expedition 

the cc heathen" Delawares, communicated it to Wash- 
ington by letters of the 5th (4th) and 11th of July. 
tc No other than the extremest tortures that could be 
inflicted by savages," replied the commander-in-chief, 
11 I think, could have been expected by those who were 
unhappy enough to fall into their hands; especially 
under the present exasperation of their minds for the 
treatment given their Moravian friends. For this rea- 
son no persons, I think, should, at this time, submit 
themselves to fall alive into the hands of the Indians." 17 
The Pipe and Wingenund, who alone are to be 
held responsible for the cruelties practiced upon the 
prisoners by the hostile Delaware Indians, gave no 
reasons, at the time^ for their conduct. The words of 
Knight, in recording what Crawford told him imme- 
diately upon the return of the latter up the river from 
the Halt King's town, imply causes other than the 
affair at Muskingum as prompting the two chiefs to their 
acts of cruelty; at least as influencing the mind of The 
Pipe. <c Crawford told me the Indians were very much 
enraged against the prisoners ; particularly Captain 
Pipe, one of the chiefs," is the language of the doctor. lS 
The indifference almost invariably shown by The Pipe 
to his Moravian brethren precludes the idea that the 
Gnadenhiitten massacre was now working so powerfully 

17 Washington to Irvine, August 5, 1782. 

18 Knight's Narr., p. 9. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 341 

upon his mind as to cause such barbarities against the 
prisoners. That both these chiefs should afterward 
assign it as a reason, when these cruelties had made 
them odious at Detroit, is not at all a matter of surprise. 
And Wingenund was so bold as to deny complicity, on 
his part, in any cruelties inflicted upon the prisoners. 19 

As the party moved along toward the Tymochtee, 
almost every Indian the prisoners met, struck them with 
sticks or their fists. Girty waited until Knight was 
brought up, and asked, " Was that the doctor?" Knight 
answered him in the affirmative, and went toward him, 
reaching out his hand ; but the savage bid him begone, 
calling him a damned rascal ; upon which the Indian 
having him in charge pulled him along. ' Girty rode 
up after him, telling him he was to go to the Shawanese 
towns. 

A short distance further brought them near to the 
Tymochtee, and another halt was made. They had now 
arrived within three-quarters of a mile of the Delaware 
village, which was further down the creek. Just here — 
a memorable locality — when the afternoon was well 
advanced, we will leave the unfortunate Crawford, to re- 
late the incidents which afterward befell Knight, who, 
for over two hours before leaving the place, drank to 
the dregs, it may be premised, a cup of inexpressible 

19 He ckew elder's bid. Nations, 281-284. 



34 2 Crawford j Expedition 

horror! 20 He was then taken to Captain Pipe's house, 
at the Delaware village, where he lay bound all night. 

The next morning, the 12th of June, Knight was un- 
ied by the savage who had him in charge — a Delaware 
Indian, whose name was Tutelu, a rough looking fel- 
low 21 — and again painted black! They then started for the 
Shawanese towns, which the Indian said was somewhat 
less than forty miles away. Tutelu was on horseback, 
and drove Knight before him. The latter pretended he 
was ignorant of the death he was to die, affected as 
cheerful a countenance as possible, and asked the savage 
if they were not to live together as brothers in one 
house when they should get to the town. Tutelu seemed 
well pleased,* and said, " Yes." He then asked Knight 
if he could make a wigwam. Knight told him he could. 
He then seemed more friendly. 

20 The redoubtable Wingenund some time afterward, while at De- 
troit, related to the Moravian Heckewelder a story, if we are to be- 
lieve the credulous missionary, to the effect that Crawford sent for 
him upon his arrival at the Tymochtee, to ask for an intercession in 
his behalf — the colonel having called to mind that Wingenund had 
been entertained by him several times at his house upon the Yough- 
iogheny ; that he came, recognized Crawford, lectured him upon join- 
ing himself to that execrable man, Williamson, and his party — and 
much other fine talk : all of which, under the magic touch of the 
Moravian's rhetoric, certainly out-logans Logan ! See Heckewelder 's 
Ind. Nations, 281-284; Howe's Hist. Coll. of Ohio, 546, 547 ; Schwein- 
itz's Zeisberger, 567-571 ; Memoirs Hist. Soc. Penn , 1826, p. 270. 

21 Heckewelder 's Narr., p. 341. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 343 

The route taken by the Delaware was the Indian trace 
leading from the Delaware town to Wapatomica. It 
led off in a direction partly southwest. They traveled, 
as near as Knight could judge, the first day about 
twenty-five miles. The doctor was then informed by 
Tutelu, that they would reach the town the next day a 
little before the sun was on the meridian. The prisoner 
was again tied, and both laid down to rest. Knight 
attempted very often to untie himself, but the Indian 
was extremely vigilant and scarce ever shut his eyes. 
At daybreak he got up and untied his captive. 

Tutelu now began to mend up the fire; and, as the 
gnats were troublesome, Knight asked him if he should 
make a smoke behind him. He said, "Yes." The 
doctor took the end of a dogwood fork, which had been 
burnt down to about eighteen inches in length. It was 
the longest stick he could find, yet too small for the 
purpose he had in view. He then took up another 
small stick, and taking a coal of fire between them, 
went behind the savage; when, turning suddenly about, 
he struck the Indian on the head with all his force. 
This so stunned the savage that he fell forward with 
both his hands in the fire. He soon recovered and got 
up, but ran off howling in a most fearful manner. 
Knight seized his gun and followed him, with a deter- 
mination to shoot him down ; but by pulling back the 
cock with too great violence, broke the mainspring, 
as he believed. The Indian continued to run, still fol- 



344 Crawford *s Expedition 

lowed by Knight, who was vainly endeavoring to fire 
his gun. The doctor, however, soon gave up the chase 
and returned to the fire, where we will leave him for the 
present, to narrate what befell Slover and his two 
companions in captivity, whom we left just approach- 
ing, on the i ith of June, the upper Shawanese town, in 
what is now Logan county. 

The inhabitants of the village, which they were near- 
ing, came out with clubs and tomahawks — struck, beat, 
and abused the three captives greatly. They seized one 
of Slover' s companions, the oldest one, stripped him 
naked, and with coal and water painted him black! The 
man seemed to surmise that this was the sign that he 
was to be burnt, and shed tears. He asked Slover the 
meaning of his being blacked : but the Indians, in their 
own language, forbade him telling the man what was in- 
tended. They assured the latter, speaking English to 
him, that he was not to be hurt. 

A warrior had been sent to Wapatomica, to acquaint 
them with the arrival of the prisoners, and prepare 
them for the frolic; and, on the approach of the cap- 
tives, the inhabitants came out with guns, clubs, and 
tomahawks. The three were told they had to run to 
the council-house, about three hundred yards distant. 
The man who was painted black was about twenty 
yards in advance of the other two in running the 
gauntlet. They made him their principal object; men, 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 345 

women, and children beating him, and those who had 
guns firing loads of powder into his flesh as he ran 
naked, putting the muzzles of their guns up to his 
body ; shouting, hallooing, and beating their drums in 
the meantime. 

The unhappy man had reached the door of the 
council-house, beaten and wounded in a shocking man- 
ner. Slover and his companion having already arrived 
there, had a full view of the spectacle — a most horrid 
one! They had cut him with their tomahawks, shot 
his body black, and burnt it into holes with loads of 
powder blown into it. A large wadding had made a 
wound in his shoulder whence the blood gushed very 
freely. 

The unfortunate man, agreeable to the declarations of 
the savages when he first set out, had reason to think 
himself secure when the door of the council-house was 
reached. This seemed to be his hope; for, coming up 
with great struggling and endeavor, he laid hold of the 
door, but was pulled back and drawn away by the 
enemy. Finding now that no mercy was intended, he 
attempted several times to snatch or lay hold of some 
of their tomahawks ; but being weak, could not effect it. 

Slover saw him borne off; and the Indians were 
a long time beating, wounding, pursuing, and killing 
him ! The same evening, Slover saw the dead body 
close by the council-house. It was cruelly mangled; 



346 Crawford's Expedition 

the blood mingled with the powder was rendered black. 
He saw, also, the same evening, the body after it had 
been cut into pieces, — the limbs and head about two 
hundred yards on the outside of the town, stuck on 
poles ! 

The same evening Slover also saw the bodies of three 
others at Wapatomica, in the same black and mangled 
condition. These, he was told, had been put to death 
the same day, and just before his arrival. Their 
bodies, as they lay, were black, bloody, — burnt with 
powder. One of these was William Harrison, the 
son in-law of Crawford; another, young William Craw- 
ford, a nephew. 22 Slover recognized the visage of Har- 
rison, and saw his clothing and that of young Craw- 
ford, at the town. The Indians brought two horses to 
him, and asked him if he knew them. He said they 
were those of Harrison and Crawford. The savages 
replied they were. 

The third body, Slover could not recognize, but he 
believed it to be Major John McClelland, fourth in 
command of the expedition. 23 The next day, the 

22 Brackenridge took it for granted that Slover meant by "young 
Crawford," the son of Colonel Crawford instead of his nephew; and 
so stated in a foot-note to Slover's Narrative. This mistake has 
caused it to be extensively published that John Crawford never re- 
turned from the Sandusky. 

23 Slover mentions McClelland as third in command ; but Rose is 
better authority on that point Slover was doubtless correct in his 
belief of its being McClelland. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 347 

bodies of these men were dragged to the outside of the 
town, and their corpses given to the dogs, except their 
limbs and heads, which were stuck on poles ! Such 
were the awful results of the wild orgies at Wapatomica. 
What a gorge of infernal revelry did these unfortunate 
prisoners afford the infuriated savages ! 

William Harrison, one of the men recognized by 
Slover, was the husband of Sarah Crawford, and had 
his home near his father-in-law's, upon the banks of 
the Youghiogheny, in Westmoreland — in that part 
which soon after became Fayette county. He was the 
son of Lawrence Harrison, one of the first settlers in 
the valley. He was a Virginian by birth, and a man 
of much note; — indeed, "one of the first men in the 
western country. He had been greatly active on many 
occasions, in devising measures for the defense of the 
frontiers ; and his character as a citizen was, in every 
way, though a young man, distinguished and respect- 
able." 2 * 

He was a lawyer bv profession — high-minded and 
well educated. His manners were grave and sedate; 
his conduct, prudent; his good sense and public spirit, 
duly appreciated by all who knew him. He had been 
a sheriff of Yohogania county, 25 Virginia, and one 
of its members in the House of Delegates. ' He was 

2i Brackenridge in Slover's Narr., p 23, note. 

25 Set off by Virginia, 8th November, 1776; but, as claimed by 
Pennsylvania, it was a part of Westmoreland county. 



348 Crawford's Expedition 

also familiar with the duties of a soldier. He had 
been a Major and Lieutenant-Colonel of a militia regi- 
ment under Mcintosh, in the expedition of the latter 
into the Indian country west of the Ohio, at the build- 
ing of Forts Mcintosh and Laurens, in the autumn of 

i 77 8. 26 

It came to the ears of the widow Harrison afterward, 
that her husband had been pardoned at the Shawanese 
towns ; 27 she was, therefore, for a long time buoyed up 
with the hope of his return. 28 It was circulated that he 
had been taken a prisoner to Canada. When all hope 
had vanished, the widow laid aside her weeds and mar- 
ried again. Her second husband was Uriah Springer, 
as has been already mentioned. 

The surviving companion of Slover, shortly after, 

26 MS. Order-Book of General Mcintosh : Irvine Collection. 

27 She had heard the story of Slover, it is true, but she also had been 
informed of what had been told Crawford at the Half King's town 
concerning the pardon of her husband. 

28 Slover, it seems, did not give to Brackenridge the full particulars 
of the death of Harrison. In The Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly 
Advertiser, 27th July, 1782, I find this additional — as coming from 
him : " Colonel Harrison was tied to a stake, when the savages 
fired powder at him until he died ; they then quartered him, and left 
the quarters hanging on four poles." I find, also, the following state- 
ment from a Westmoreland correspondent of The Pennsylvania Packet, 
published on the 13th of that month: "The Delawares applied to 
the Monseys for Colonel William Harrison (son-in-law to Crawford), 
who, being given up, was tortured in the most cruel manner ; they 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 349 

was sent to another town, to be, as the latter presumed, 
either burnt or executed in the same manner as the 
other comrade had been. In the evening, the Indians 
assembled in the council-house. It was a large build- 
ing about fifty yards in length, and about twenty-five 
yards wide. Its height was about sixteen feet. It was 
built with split poles covered with bark. The first 
thing done upon the assembling of the savages was to 
examine Slover. This was done in their own tongue; 
as he spoke the Miamis, Shawanese, and Delaware lan- 
guages, especially the first two, with fluency. They inter- 
rogated him concerning the situation of his country ; its 
provisions ; the number of its inhabitants ; the state of 
the war between it and Great Britain. He informed 
them Cornwallis had been taken. 

The next day Captain Matthew Elliot, with James 
Girty, came to the council. The latter was a brother 
of Simon Girty and an adopted Shawanese. The 
former assured the Indians that Slover had lied ; that 
Cornwallis was not taken ; and the Indians seemed to 
give full credit to his declaration. Hitherto, Slover had 
been treated with some appearance of kindness, but 
now the savages began to alter their behavior toward 
him. Girty had informed them that when he asked 
him how he liked to live there, he had said that he had 

having bound him to a stake, fired powder through every part of his 
skin for an hour, after which they cut him in quarters and hung them 
on stakes." 



350 Crawford's Expedition 

intended to take the first opportunity to take a scalp 
and run off. It was, to be sure, very probable that if 
he had had such intention, he would have communi- 
cated it to him ! 

Another man came to him and told him a story of 
his having lived on the south side of the Potomac, 
in Virginia; and, having three brothers there, he pre- 
tended he wanted to get away ; but Slover suspected 
his design, and said nothing. Nevertheless, he reported 
that he had consented to go with him. In the mean- 
time, he was not tied, and could have escaped; but 
having nothing to put on his feet, he waited some time 
longer to provide for the contingency. He was invited 
every night to the war-dance, which was usually con- 
tinued until almost day; but he always declined par- 
ticipating in these revelries. 

The council at Wapatomica lasted fifteen days ; from 
fifty to one hundred warriors being usually present, and 
sometimes more. Every warrior was admitted, but 
only the chiefs or head warriors had the privilege of 
speaking — these being accounted such, from the num- 
ber of scalps and prisoners they had taken. The third 
day Alexander McKee was in council, and afterward 
was generally present. He spoke little. He asked 
Slover no questions ; indeed, did not speak to him at 
all. He then lived about two miles out of the town ; 
had a house built of square logs, with a shingle roof. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 351 

He was dressed in gold-laced clothes. He was seen by 
Slover at the town the latter had first passed through. 
Slover saw Tutelu, the Delaware Indian, coming 
into Wapatomica. 29 He said that the prisoner he was 
bringing to be burnt, and who he said was a doctor, 
had made his escape from him. Slover knew this must 
have been Dr. Knight, who went as surgeon of the ex- 
pedition. The Indian had a wound four inches long 
in his head, which he acknowledged the doctor had 
given him ; he was cut to the skull. His story was, 
that he had untied the doctor, being asked by him to 
do so, Knight promising that he would not go away ; 
that while he was employed in kindling a fire, the doc- 
tor snatched up the gun, came up behind him, and 
struck him ; that he then made a stroke at Knight with 
his knife, which the latter laid hold of, and his fingers 
were cut almost off, the knife being drawn through his 
hand ; that he gave the doctor two stabs — one in the 
back, the other in the belly. He said Knight was a 
big, tall, strong man ! Slover contradicted the doughty 
Delaware. He told the warriors that he knew the doc- 
tor, and that he was a weak, little man ; at which they 
laughed immoderately, and did not credit the brave 
Tutelu ! 

29 Tutelu should have reached Wapatomica the day after Slover ar- 
rived there — June 12th. In the narrative of the latter, the time is put 
some days after. He may have tarried for a while at the first town. 



2S 2 Crawford's Expedition 

On the last day of the council, save one, a tc speech " 
came from Detroit, brought by a warrior who had been 
counseling with De Peyster, the commanding officer at 
that place. The cc speech " had long been expected, 
and was in answer to one sent some time previous to 
Detroit. It was in a belt of wampum, and began with 
the address — c{ My Children :" and inquired why the 
Indians continued to take prisoners. tc Provisions 
are scarce; when prisoners are brought in we are ob- 
liged to maintain them ; and some of them run away 
and carry tidings of our affairs. When any of your 
people fall into the hands of the rebels, they show no 
mercy; why then should you take prisoners ? Take 
no more prisoners, my children, of any sort — man, 
woman, or child." 

Two days after, all the tribes that were near, being 
collected in council — Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots, 
Mingoes, Delawares, Shawanese, Monseys, and a part 
of the Cherokees — it was determined to take no more 
prisoners ; and in the event of any tribes not present, 
taking any, the others would rise against them, take 
away the captives, and put them to death. Slover un- 
derstood perfectly what was said in these deliberations. 
They laid plans also against the settlements of Ken- 
tucky, the Falls (Louisville), and toward Wheeling. 
There was one council held at which Slover was not 
present. The warriors had sent for him as usual, but 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 353 

the squaw with whom he lived would not suffer him to 
go, but hid him under a large quantity of skins. It 
may have been done that Slover might not hear the 
determination she feared would be arrived at, to burn 
him. About this time, twelve men were brought in 
from Kentucky, three of whom were burnt in Wapa- 
tomica; the remainder were distributed to other towns, 
and shared, as Slover was informed by the Indians, the 
same fate. 

The day after the last-mentioned council, about forty 
warriors, accompanied by George Girty, an adopted 
Delaware, a brother of Simon and James Girty, came 
early in the morning round the house where Slover was. 
He was sitting before the door. The squaw gave him 
up. They put a rope around his neck, tied his arms 
behind his back, stripped him naked, and blacked him 
in the usual manner. Girty, as soon as he was tied, 
cursed him, telling him he would get what he had many 
years deserved. Slover was led to a town about five 
miles away, to which a messenger had been dispatched 
to desire them to prepare to receive him. Arriving at 
the town, he was beaten with clubs and the pipe ends 
of their tomahawks, and was kept for some time tied 
to a tree before a house door. In the meantime, the 
inhabitants set out for another town about two miles dis- 
tant, where Slover was to be burnt, and where he arrived 
about three o'clock in the afternoon. Thev were now 



354 Crawford's Expedition 

at Mac-a-chack > not far from the present site of West 
Liberty, in Logan county. 30 

At Mac-a-chack there was a council-house also, as 
at Wapatomica; but part only of it was covered. In 
the part without a roof was a post about sixteen feet in 
height. Around this, at a distance of four feet, were 
three piles of wood about three feet high. Slover was 
brought to the post, his arms again tied behind him, 
and the thong or cord with which they were bound 
was fastened to it. A rope was also put about his 
neck, and tied to the post about four feet above his 
head. While they were tying him, the wood was 
kindled and began to flame. Just then the wind began 
to blow, and in a very short time, the rain fell violently. 
The fire which, by this time, had began to blaze con- 
siderably, was instantly extinguished. The rain lasted 
about a quarter of an hour. 

When it was over, the savages stood amazed, and 
were a long time silent. At last, one said they would 
let him alone till morning, and have a whole day's frolic 
in burning him. The sun at this time was about three 
hours high. The rope about his neck was untied; and 
making him sit down, they began to dance around 
him. This they continued until eleven o'clock at 

30 Slover does not give the name of the town ; but that it was Mac- 
a-chack, frequently written Mac-a-cheek, there can be no doubt. See 
Taylor's His. Ohio, 529; Howe's His. Coll. of Ohio, 299, 309. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 355 

night ; in the meantime, beating, kicking, and wound- 
ing him with their tomahawks and clubs. 

At last, one of the warriors, the Half Moon, asked 
him if he was sleepy. Slover answered, ' c Yes." The head 
warrior then chose out three men to take care of him. 
These took him to a block-house. They tied his arms 
until the cord was hid in the flesh ; once around the 
wrist and once above the elbows. A rope was fastened 
about his neck and tied to a beam of the house, but 
permitting him to lie down on a board. The three 
warriors constantly harassed him, saying : " How will 
you like to eat fire to-morrow ? You will kill no more 
Indians now." Slover was in expectation of their 
going to sleep, when at length, about an hour before 
daybreak, two laid down ; but the third smoked a pipe, 
and talked to the captive, asking him the same painful 
questions. About half an hour after, he also laid 
down. Slover heard him begin to snore. Instantly he 
went to work ; and as his arms were perfectly be- 
numbed, he laid himself down on his right one, which 
was behind his back. With his fingers, which still had 
some life and strength, he slipped the cord from his 
left arm over his elbow and wrist. 

One of the warriors now got up and stirred the fire. 
Slover was apprehensive that he would be examined, 
and thought it was all over with him ; but the Indian 
laid down again, and his hopes revived. He then at- 
tempted to unloose the rope about his neck ; tried to 



3 $6 Crawford's Expedition 

gnaw it, but all in vain, as it was as thick as his thumb 
and very hard, being made of a buffalo hide. He 
wrought with it a long time; finally gave it up; and 
could see no relief. It was now daybreak. Again he 
made an attempt — almost without hope, pulling the 
rope by putting his fingers between it and his neck, — 
when, to his great surprise, it came easily untied. It 
was a noose, with two or three knots tied over it. 

Slover now stepped over the warriors as they lay ; 
and having got out of the house, looked back to see if 
there was any disturbance. He then ran through the 
town into a corn-field. In the way, he saw four or five 
children and a squaw lying asleep under a tree. Going a 
different way into the field, he untied his arm, which 
was greatly swollen and turned black. Having ob- 
served a number of horses in a glade he had run through, 
he went back to catch one. On his way he found a 
piece of an old rug or quilt hanging on a fence, which 
he took with him. Catching the horse, — the rope 
with which he had been tied serving as a halter, — he 
mounted the animal and rode rapidly off. 

Note. — The pretended colloquy between Crawford and Wingenund 
recorded by Heckewelder {His. bid. Nat., heretofore referred to, see p. 
342, note), which, upon its first appearance, was generally pronounced 
apocryphal by the critics, is now seen to be wholly fictitious; never- 
theless, the following paragraph concerning it, from Howe (His. Coll. 
Ohio, p. 546), has, perhaps, tended to restore confidence in it, in the 
minds of readers of western history. He says; "Some doubts have 
been expressed of its truth, as the historian Heckewelder has often 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 357 

been accused of being fond of romancing ; but Col. Johnston (good 
authority here) expresses the opinion that 'it is doubtless in the main 
correct.' " Nevertheless (though it can hardly be necessary now to 
affirm it), I make bold to assert that the whole conversation, when 
viewed in the clear light of historic research, vanishes "into thin air." 
Concerning the pretended friendship of Wingenund for Crawford, 
nothing need be said. Bearing in mind that this war-chief, along with 
The Pipe, guarded the unfortunate commander to the spot where 
Heckewelder, for the first time, brings them face to face ; that these 
two Delawares had previously determined that he should be tortured 
to death, and had cheated the Half King into giving his consent for 
its accomplishment on Wyandot territory — the reader will be pre- 
pared fully to appreciate the absurdity of the following narration: 

" While preparations were making for the execution of this dread- 
ful sentence, the unfortunate Crawford recollected that the Delaware 
chief, Wingenund, had been his friend in happier times. He had 
several times entertained him at his home, and showed him those marks 
of attention which are so grateful to the poor despised Indians. A ray 
of hope darted through his soul, and he requested that Wingenund, 
who lived at some distance from the village [thirty-five miles], might 
be sent for. His request was granted, and a messenger was dis- 
patched for the chief, who reluctantly, indeed, but without hesitation, 
obeyed the summons, and immediately came to the fated spot. 

" This great and good man was not only one of the bravest and 
most celebrated warriors, but one of the most amiable men of the 
Delaware nation. To a firm, undaunted mind, he joined humanity, 
kindness, and universal benevolence; the excellent qualities of his 
heart had obtained for him the name of Wingenund, which, in the 
Lenape language, signifies the well-beloved. 

" He had kept away from the tragical scene about to be acted, to 
mourn in silence and solitude over the fate of his guilty friend, which 
he well knew it was not in his power to prevent. He was now called 
upon to act a painful as well as difficult part : the eyes of his enraged 



358 Crawford's Expedition 

countrymen were fixed upon him ; he was an Indian and a Delaware; 
he was a leader of that nation, whose defenseless members had been so 
cruelly murdered without distinction of age or sex, and whose innocent 
blood called aloud for the most signal revenge. 

" Could he trtke the part of the chief of the base murderers? 
Could he forget altogether the feelings of ancient fellowship, and give 
way exclusively to those of the Indian and the patriot? Fully sensi- 
ble that in the situation in which he was placed, the latter must, in 
appearance, at least, predominate, he summoned to his aid the firmness 
and dignity of an Indian warrior, approached Colonel Crawford, and 
awaited in silence for the communications he had to make. The fol- 
lowing dialogue now took place between them . 
,. "'Do you recollect me, Wingenund?' began Crawford. 

"'I believe 1 do. Are you not Colonel Crawford ?' 

" 'I am. How do you do ? I am glad to see you, Captain.' 

"'Ah!' replied Wingenund, with much embarrassment. "Yes, 
indeed !' 

"'Do you recollect the friendship that always existed between us, 
and that we were always glad to see each other?' 

"' I recollect all this. I remetnber that we have drunk many a bowl 
of punch together. I remember also other acts of kindness that you 
have done me.' 

"' Then I hope the same friendship still exists between us.' 

"' It would of course be the same, were you in your' proper place 
and not here.' 

" ' And why not here, Captain ? I hope you would not desert a friend 
in time of need. Now is the time for you to exert yourself in my 
behalf, as I should do for you were you in my place.' 

" ' Colonel Crawford, you have placed yourself in a situation which 
puts it out of my power and that of others of your friends to do any- 
thing for you.' 

" ' How so, Captain Wingenund ?' 

" ' By joining yourself to that execrable man, Williamson, and his 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 2S9 

partv ; the man who but the other day murdered such a number of 
the Moravian Indians, knowing them to be friends; knowing that he 
ran no risk in murdering a people who would not fight, and whose 
only business was praying.' 

" ' Wingenund, I assure you that had I been with him at the time, this 
would not have happened ; not I alone, but all your friends and 
all good men, wherever they are, reprobate acts of this kind.' 

( " That may be; yet these friends, these good men, did not prevent 
him from going out again to kill the remainder of these inoffensive, 
yet foolish Moravian Indians ! I say foolish, because they believed 
the whites in preference to us. We had often told them that they 
would be one day so treated by those people who called themselves 
their friends ! We told them that there was no faith to be placed 
in what the white men said ; that their fair promises were only intended 
to allure us, that they might the more easily kill us, as they have done 
many Indians before they killed these Moravians.' 

" ' I am sorry to hear you speak thus : as to Williamson's going out 
again, when it was known that he was determined on it, I went out 
with him to prevent him from committing fresh murders.' 

" ' This, Colonel, the Indians would not believe were even I to tell 
them so.' 

" ' And why would they not believe it ?' 

"'Because it would have been out of your power to prevent his 
doing what he pleased.' 

■'Out of my power! Have any Moravian Indians been killed or 
hurt since we came out?' 

14 ' None ; but you went first to their town, and rinding it empty and 
deserted, you turned on the path toward us. If you had been in 
search of warriors only, you would not have gone thither. Our spies 
watched you closely. They saw you while you were embodying your- 
selves on the other side of the Ohio; they saw you cross that river; 
they saw you where you encamped at night; they saw you turn off 
from the path to the deserted Moravian town; they knew you were 



360 Crawford's Expedition 

going out of your way ; your steps were constantly watched, and you 
were suffered quietly to proceed until you reached the spot where you 
were attacked.' 

"' What do they intend to do with me ? Can you tell me ?' 

" * I tell you with grief, Colonel. As Williamson and his whole 
cowardly host ran off in the night at the whistling of our warriors' balls, 
being satisfied that now he had no Moravians to deal with, but men 
who could fight, and with such he did not wish to have anything to 
do ; I say, as he escaped, and they have taken you, they will take re- 
venge on you in his stead.' 

" * And is there no possibility of preventing this? Can you devise 
no way to get me off? You shall, my friend, be well rewarded if 
you are instrumental in saving my life.' 

"'Had Williamson been taken with you, I and some friends, by 
making use of what you have told me, might perhaps have succeeded in 
saving you ; but, as the matter now stands, no man would dare to in- 
terfere in your behalf. The King of England himself, were he to 
come to this spot, with all his wealth and treasures, could not effect 
this purpose. The blood of the innocent Moravians, more than half 
of them women and children, cruelly and wantonly murdered, calls 
aloud for revenge. The relatives of the slain, who are among us, cry 
out and stand ready for revenge. The nation to which they belonged 
will have revenge. The Shawanese, our grandchildren, have asked for 
your fellow-prisoner; on him they will take revenge. All the nations 
connected with us cry out, Revenge! revenge! The Moravians 
whom they went to destroy having fled, instead of avenging their 
brethren, the offense is become national, and the nation itself is bound 
to take revenge /' 

" < Then it seems my fate is decided, and I must prepare to meet 
death in its worst form?' 

"'Yes, Colonel! — I am sorry for it; but can not do anything for 
you. Had you attended to the Indian principle, that as good and evil 
can not dwell together in the same heart, so a good man ought not to 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 361 

go into evil company, you would not be in this lamentable situation. 
You see, now when it is too late, after Williamson has deserted you, 
what a bad man he must be! Nothing now remains for you but to 
meet your fate like a brave man. Farewell, Colonel Crawford, — they 
are coming !' (a) 

" The people were at that moment advancing with shouts and yells, 
to torture and put him to death. 

" I have been assured by respectable Indians that at the close of 
this conversation, which was related to me by Wingenund himself as 
well as by others, both he and Crawford burst into a flood of tears ; 
they then took an affectionate leave of each other, and the chief im- 
mediately bid himself in the bushes, as the Indians express it, or, in his 
own language, retired to a solitary spot. 

"He never afterward spoke of the fate of his unfortunate friend 
without strong emotions of grief, which I have several times witnessed.'' 

(a) It will not do to attempt to screen Heckewelder behind the statement — as has 
so frequently been done — that what he here relates is from the lips of Wingenund 
and that he is not to be held responsible for the misstatements of the latter. The 
truth is, there is unmistakable evidence in the composition itself, that it is, to a great 
extent, the work of the Moravian alone. That the learned author of the Life of 
Zetsberger, should for a moment believe that this conversation was taken, word for 
word, from Wingenund, passeth all understanding ! See Schweinitxs Zeisbcrger, p. 
571, note. For an ingenious attempt to shift the whole responsibility of this fabrica- 
tion to the shoulders of Wingenund, consult Mem. His. Soc. Pa., 1826, p. 270. 



362 Crawford's Expedition 



CHAPTER XVII. 

JAMES PAULL— HIS ESCAPE FROM DEATH— HIS SUBSEQUENT CAREER. 

JAMES PAULL was born in Frederick (now Berke- 
ley) county, Virginia, on the 17th of September, 
1760. He was the son of George Paull, who removed 
into that part of Westmoreland which afterward became 
Fayette county, Pennsylvania, with his family, in 1768, 
and settled in the Gist neighborhood, in what is now 
Dunbar township, on the land where his son James 
afterward resided until his death. 1 

James Paull's early life evinced qualities of mind and 
heart calculated to render him conspicuous ; added to 
which was a physical constitution of the hardiest kind. 
He loved enterprise and adventure as he loved his 
friends, and shunned no service or dangers to which 
they called him. He came to manhood just when such 
men were needed. His military services began before 
he was eighteen years of age. About the 1st of August, 
1778, he was drafted to serve a month's duty in guard- 
ing the Continental stores at Redstone (Brownsville, 
Fayette county) ; an easy service — consisting in fishing 
and swimming during the day, and taking turns in 
standing sentry at night. 

1 And where his son, Joseph Paull, still lives [1872] — near Dunbar 
Station, on the Uniontown Branch Railroad from Connellsville, 
about four miles from the latter place. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 363 

About the 1st of May, 1781, he began recruiting in 
his county, then Westmoreland, for the projected cam- 
paign of that year against Detroit, under the auspices 
of George Rogers Clark. He had gone frequently, 
before that time, on brief tours of service to the fron- 
tier. He then held a commission as first lieutenant, 
from Thomas Jefferson, governor of Virginia. A com- 
pany was raised, which, taking boats on the Mononga- 
hela, floated down to Pittsburg. Paull's company 
from thence found its way down the Ohio to the Falls 
(Louisville), in the month of August, and went into 
garrison at that point. The requisite forces for the ex- 
pedition having failed to assemble, it was abandoned, as 
has already been mentioned. Paull returned home in 
the company of about one hundred others, through the 
wilderness of Kentucky and Virginia, after more than 
two months of privations and hardships. 

Early in April, 1782, he was again drafted for a 
month's frontier duty ; which was no sooner ended 
than he resolved, as the expedition against Sandusky 
was then projected, to volunteer for that campaign. 
His parting with his widowed mother just before 
marching to Mingo Bottom; his mishap at "Bat- 
tle Island," on the Sandusky Plains; and his retreat, 
in company with John Slover and other companions, 
to within twenty miles of the Tuscarawas, where they 
fell into an ambuscade — have all been related. We 
left him, at nine o'clock, on the 8th day of June, 



364 Crawford's Expedition 

in what is now Wayne county, Ohio, running for his 
life. 

Paull had, the day after the retreat began, picked up 
a piece of an Indian blanket. This was of especial 
service to him. By tearing off a strip and wrapping it 
around his burnt foot, which by this time had all the 
skin off the sole, he was much relieved. He continued, 
as fast as one bandage was worn, to replace it by a new 
strip from the blanket, which he carried along for that 
purpose. 

When fired upon by the savages, from their hiding 
place, Paull ran, as has before been related ; but his 
gait was a lame, hobbling one. Two warriors started 
in pursuit. This nerved him to mend his pace. He 
now felt, for the first time during the campaign, that 
his life was at stake. His burnt foot was forgotten. 
He ran faster than his pursuers, who, observing it, 
fired at him, but without effect. These shots only 
served to increase his speed. Coming soon to a steep, 
bluff bank of a creek, he leaped down, gun in hand, 
without injury. The savages did not choose to follow, 
and relinquished the chase. Paull, as soon as he dis- 
covered he was no longer pursued, slackened his gait. 
In the descent of the precipice he hurt his burnt foot 
severely; and, to bandage it, was obliged to tear a 
strip from the ragged extremities of his pantaloons. 
In his flight he had thrown away the piece of blanket 
which had served him so good a purpose. Fearing 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 365 

further pursuit, he occasionally walked upon fallen 
logs, and would sometimes cross his own trail; he, 
however, escaped further molestation. The first night 
he slept in the hollow of a fallen tree. Early the next 
morning he started again, but it was with the greatest 
difficulty he could walk, his foot was so much swollen 
and so very painful. He had no provisions, and was 
afraid to shoot any game, for fear the report of his 
gun would be heard by Indians. He was fortunate, 
however, in catching a young blackbird, which he ate 
raw. He found also some service-berries, which were 
now ripe; so that he did not suffer very much from 
hunger. It was very fresh fare, Paull used afterward to 
say, but wholesome ! He was, nevertheless, very weak 
as well as lame. The second night he slept under a 
shelving rock, upon some leaves, and rose the next 
morning much refreshed. 

Paull had traveled down Sugar creek, a stream flow- 
ing into the Muskingum — as it was then called — from 
the northwest, in what is now Tuscarawas county. Be- 
ing now very hungry, and seeing a deer, he shot it ; but 
having lost his knife, the only device he could adopt 
was to open the skin with his gun-flint and get some of 
the flesh. Some of this he ate raw. Arriving at the 
Muskingum, he found it too deep to cross ; and there- 
upon changed his course up that stream until a shallow 
place was reached, when he forded the river in safety. 
Here he discovered an old Indian camp, where there 



366 Crawford's Expedition 

were a large number of empty kegs and barrels lying 
scattered around. It was now nearly dark ; so he built 
a fire, the first he had ventured to kindle since his 
escape from the ambuscade, and cooked some of his 
venison ; the smoke, as he lay down to rest for the 
night, protecting him from the gnats and mosquitoes, 
which were very troublesome. 

He had passed out of what is now Wayne county, 
through the southwest corner of Stark, into Tuscarawas. 
His course lay in a southeast direction, through the 
present counties of Harrison and Belmont, to strike 
the Ohio opposite Wheeling. He made the distance in 
two days, reaching the river a little above the latter 
place. Traveling up the stream, he succeeded in cross- 
ing it on a rude raft made for the purpose. Once on 
the Virginia side of the Ohio, and he felt himself out of 
danger. Upon the river bottom he found a number of 
horses feeding ; one, an old mare, he succeeded in 
catching after much trouble — having previously pro- 
vided himself with a rude halter made of bark. 

Paull finally reached a fort near Short creek, where he 
found the inhabitants of the vicinity had collected, 
upon hearing the news of the return of the expedition 
and its failure. He also found here some who, like 
himself, had just escaped the perils of the wilderness — 
some of his companions in arms. Resting a day at 
this point, he procured a horse and proceeded on to 
the vicinity of Catfish (Washington), in Washington 



Against Sandusky \ 1782. 367 

county, where he had some relatives. Here his foot 
was doctored, which had become very badly inflamed, and 
he was furnished some clothes. Remaining with his rel- 
atives until he had gained considerable strength, he again 
started — a boy and a horse having been kindly sent 
to help him home. His meeting with his widowed 
mother can better be imagined than described ! 

The military services of James Paull did not end 
here. He took an active part in the Indian war which 
followed the Western Border War of the Revolution. 
He served with honor in Harmar's campaign against 
the Indians, at the head of the Maumee river, in what 
is now the State of Indiana, in the year 1790, as major 
of Pennsylvania militia. 2 History and tradition accord 
to Major Paull, on the perilous march, and in the en- 
counters which followed, the character of a brave and 
good officer. 

In after life, Paull was elected colonel of a regiment 
on the peace establishment. Having married, he set- 
tled down to the pursuits of agricultural life, in which 
he was eminently successful. He was sheriff of his 
county (Fayette) from 1793 to 1796, during the 
"Whisky Rebellion ;" and had to administer the 
extreme penalty of the law to John McFall for the 
murder of John Chadwick. 

2 McBride's Pion. Biog., vol. i, 116, 123 : Brice's Hist. Fort JVayne, 
124. 



368 Crawford' 's Expedition 

Colonel Paull had a family of seven sons and one 
daughter, 3 all of whom, as well as of his more remote 
descendants, who are numerous, are worthy their pa- 
rentage. He was a man of commanding appearance, 
fully six feet in height, muscular and active; having a 
large frame, but not fleshy, with a massive head and 
a most manly face. In his youth and prime he was 
fond of athletic exercises, and always devoted to his 
friends, who were many. He was a man of most 
heroic and generous impulses. He was also a man of 
the strictest integrity. These qualities he evinced by 
many deeds and few words. He died on the 9th of 
July, 1841, aged nearly eighty-one years. 

Note. — I have had occasion to consult, in the preparation of this 
chapter, a sketch of James Paul], to be found in the printed sheets of 
The Monongahela of Old, by James Veech ; also, the Application of 
Paull for a pension, 15th January, 1833 ; and the Recollections by the 
latter of the Sandusky Expedition, as written down from his dictation 
in January, 1826, by Robert A. Sherrard : MS. The substance of 
these Recollections is to be found in a pamphlet entitled, "A Narrative 
of the Wonderful Escape and Dreadful Sufferings of Colonel 'James Paul. 
By Robert A. Sherrard. Cincinnati: 1869." 

3 His daughter, Mrs. William Walker, and one son, Joseph Paull, 
both of Fayette county, still survive — -1872. Another son, George, 
was a distinguished army officer, in the regular service. He was in the 
war of 181 2, under Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison. Two others resided 
for many years at Wheeling, Virginia, where they died, leaving 
children. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 369 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

DR. JOHN KNIGHT'S ESCAPE THROUGH THE OHIO WILDERNESS. 

i 3 th JUNE-4TH JULY, 17S2. 

THE spot where Knight so effectively belabored 
the valorous Tutelu with his dogwood fork, on 
the morning of the 13th of June, was near the Scioto, 
in what is now Hardin county, a short distance down 
the river from Kenton, its county-seat. He and his 
Indian guard had traveled, during the previous day, 
out of what is now Wyandot county, across the north- 
west corner of Marion, into Hardin — following an 
Indian trace leading from Pipe's town up the Tymoch- 
tee and across the Scioto to Wapatomica and other In- 
dian towns upon or near the upper waters of Mad 
river, then known as the Shawanese towns, as already 
frequently mentioned. 

Immediately upon Knight's return to the fire from 
the pursuit of the Indian who had had him in charge, 
he made preparations for a march homeward through 
the wilderness. He took the blanket of the Delaware, 
a pair of new moccasins, his " hoppes," powder-horn, 
bullet-bag, — together with the Indian's gun, — and 
started on his journey in a direction a little north of 
east. 1 At about half an hour before sunset, he came 

1 " Directing my course by the five o'clock mark," is Knight's Ian- 



370 Crawford* s Expedition 

to the Plains, when he laid down in a thicket until 
dark. He had traveled some distance into what is 
now Marion county. 

Taking the north star as a guide, he again proceeded 
on, crossing the Plains in nearly a northeast direction. 
He was of opinion the open country extended about 
sixteen miles. He got into the woods, in the present 
county of Crawford, before daylight. His course then 
was near where the town of Galion now stands ; thence 
onward into Richland county, striking the paths by 
which the troops had gone out, near the site of Spring 
Mills, in what is now Springfield township, Richland 
county, at noon, on the second day of his escape. 
These paths, at this point, lead in nearly an east and 
west course. Knight, we may be assured, saw no rea- 
son to change his mind as to the danger of returning 
by the route taken by the army. Fresh in his recol- 
lection were the scenes which transpired in the after- 
noon of the 7th, soon after he and Biggs gave Craw- 
ford their opinion upon that subject ! 

To avoid the enemy, he went due north all the after- 
noon, reaching a point not very far south of what is 
now the northern boundary line of Richland county. 
In the evening he began to be very faint. He had 
been six days a prisoner before his escape ; the last two 

guage. It is a singular circumstance that Knight makes no mention of 
what became of the horse which his guard was riding at the com- 
mencement of the journey. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 371 

he had not tasted a mouthful of food, and but very 
little the first four. There were wild gooseberries in 
abundance in the woods, but being unripe, required 
mastication, which, at that time, he was unable to per- 
form, on account of a blow he had received from an 
Indian on the jaw with the back of a tomahawk. 
There was a weed that grew plentifully where he had 
stopped for the night, the juice of which he knew to 
be grateful and nourishing. He gathered a bundle, 
took up his lodging under a large, spreading beech-tree, 
and having sucked a quantity of the juice of the herb, 
went to sleep. 

The next day, Knight made a due east course. Af- 
terward, at times, he bore more to the southward. He 
often imagined his gun was only wood-bound, and 
tried every method he could devise to unscrew the 
lock, but could not effect it, having no knife or any- 
thing fitting for the purpose. He had now the satis- 
faction to find his jaw began to mend; and in four or 
five days, he could chew any vegetable proper for nour- 
ishment. He finally left his gun, as he found it a use- 
less burden. 

He had no apparatus for making fire to sleep bv, so 
that he could get but little rest, the gnats and mosqui- 
toes were so troublesome. 

He was now traveling on a beech ridge where there 
were a great many swamps, which occasioned him much 
inconvenience. The ridge upon which he was traveling 



37 2 Crawford's Expedition 

he judged to be about twenty miles broad, the ground in 
general very level and rich, and free from shrubs and 
brush. There were, however, very few springs; yet 
wells, he believed, might easily be dug in all parts. 
The timber was very lofty ; and he found it no easy 
matter to make a straight course, as the moss grew as 
high upon the south side of the trees as upon the 
north. It is not surprising, therefore, that he should 
have deviated considerably from the course intended. 

He observed that there were a great many white oaks, 
ash, and hickory trees growing among the beech tim- 
ber; there were, likewise, some places on the ridge, 
perhaps for three or four continued miles, where there 
was little or no beech; and, in such spots, black and 
white oak, ash, and hickory were seen in abundance. 
Sugar-maple also grew there to a very great bulk. 
The ground was generally a little ascending and de- 
scending, with some small rivulets. 

When he got off the beech ridge and nearer the 
Muskingum — for he had now gone a considerable way 
south — the lands were more broken, but equally rich 
with those just mentioned, and abounded with brooks 
and springs of water. In all parts of the country 
through which he passed, game was very plenty — deer, 
turkeys, and pheasants. He also saw vestiges of bears, 
and some of elks. He crossed the Muskingum just 
above the mouth of the Conotten, an eastern tributary, 



Against 'Sandusky, 1782. 373 

in what is now Tuscarawas county. 2 All this time his 
food had been gooseberries, young nettles, the juice of 
herbs, a few service-berries, and some mandrakes ; 
likewise, two young blackbirds and a terrapin, which 
he devoured raw. When food sat heavily on his stom- 
ach, he would eat a little wild ginger. 

He now aimed for the Ohio river direct, crossing all 
paths, and striking that stream about five miles below 
Fort Mcintosh, mouth of Beaver, in the evening of 
the twentieth day after the one on which he had escaped. 
On the morning of the next day, July 4th, at about 
seven o'clock, he arrived safe at Fort Pitt, very much 
fatigued. c< This moment," wrote Irvine to Moore, 
" Doctor Knight has arrived, the surgeon I sent with 
the volunteers to Sandusky. He was several days in 
the hands of the Indians, but fortunately made his 
escape from his keeper, who was conducting him to an- 
other settlement to be burnt." 3 

Dr. Knight afterward performed the duties of Sur- 
geon to the Seventh Virginia regiment — Colonel John 
Gibson's, remaining at Fort Pitt until the close of 
the war. On the 14th of October, 1784, he married 

2 The words of Knight are — "About three or four miles below 
Fort Lawrence [Laurens]." — Narr., p. 15. 

3 Irvine to Moore, 5th July, 1782. This letter should have been 
dated July 4th; for, in a letter to Washington, from Fort Pitt, nth 
July, he says: "Dr. Knight (a surgeon I sent with Crawford) returned 
on the 4th instant to this place," Knight, also, expressly states that 
his return was on the " 4th day of July."— Narr., p. 15. 



374 Crawford's Expedition 

Polly Stephenson, a daughter of Colonel Richard Ste- 
phenson, whose father was the second husband of 
Colonel Crawford's mother. He subsequently moved 
to Shelby ville, Kentucky, where he died on the 12th of 
March, 1838, the father often children. His wife 
died on the 31st of July, 1839. 

Note. — Dr. Knight drew a pension from the general government. 
He made his application under the act of May .15, 1828. After his 
death, his children applied for whatever was due under the act of 1832. 
In this last application, the names of the children are given, as well as 
of some of the persons whom the daughters married. 






Against Sandusky, 1782. 375 



CHAPTER XIX. 

A RACE FOR LIFE— ESCAPE OF JOHN SLOVEB, FROM MAC-A-CHACK. 

THE horse Slover had mounted, the morning after 
his providential escape from the old council- 
house at Mac-a-chack, was a strong and swift one. 
His course lay a little north of east, to the Scioto, dis- 
tant nearly fifty miles. He rode for life ! The woods 
were open; the country level. He was entirely naked, 
and had only a rope halter to guide his horse. On he 
rode — on, on ! By ten o'clock he had reached and 
crossed the Scioto ! He had already passed out of 
what is now Logan county, through Union, and far 
into Delaware; still he urged his animal onward, well 
knowing that he would be pursued, and rapidly too, by 
the savages thirsting for his blood, who now, by his es- 
cape, were made — 

"Fierce as ten furies; terrible as hell!" 

By three o'clock in the afternoon, he had left the 
Scioto full twenty-five miles behind him, when his 
horse failed ; it could go no longer, not even on a trot. 
He instantly sprang off its back, left the animal, and 
ran ahead at the top of his speed ; nor did he relax his 
efforts as evening came on. Hearing hallooing behind 
him, he pressed forward; and not until ten o'clock did 



37^ Crawford's Expedition 



he halt, when, sitting down, he became extremely sick 
and vomited. 

The moon rose about midnight, and Slover again 
traveled on until day. During the night he had fol- 
lowed a path; but in the morning he judged it pru- 
dent to forsake the trail, and take a ridge running north, 
for the distance of fifteen miles, in a line at right angles 
to his previous course. 1 As he walked on, he put back 
the weeds bent by his feet, with a stick carried along for 
that purpose, lest he should be tracked by the enemy. 

The next night he lay upon the waters of the Mus- 
kingum. The nettles had been troublesome to him 
ever since crossing the Scioto ; and he had nothing to 
protect himself with but the piece of rug which he had 
brought from the Indian town, and which he had used 
under him while riding. The briers and thorns were 
now painful also, preventing him from traveling in the 
night until the moon appeared. In the meantime, he 
was hindered from sleeping by the mosquitoes, which 
were very troublesome — so much so, indeed, that even 
in the daytime he was under the necessity of carry- 
ing a handful of bushes to brush them from his naked 
body. 

On the third day, about three o'clock, he found and 
ate a few raspberries, the first food he had taken into 

1 Slover does not say he went north ; but he would hardly have taken 
an opposite direction, as that would have increased the difficulties of 
his route. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 377 

his stomach since the morning previous to his escape. 
He did not feel very hungry, but was extremely weak. 
He had then reached Newcomer's town, in what is now 
Tuscarawas county. 2 He swam the Muskingum some 
distance further up the stream, at a point where it was 
about two hundred yards wide. 3 Having reached the 
opposite bank he sat down, looked across the river, 
and thought he had the start of the Indians, if any had 
pursued him. That evening he traveled about five 
miles farther. 

The next day he came to the Stillwater, an eastern 
affluent of the Muskingum, in a branch of which he ob- 
tained two small crawfish which he ate. The next night 
he lay within five miles of Wheeling. He had not 
slept a wink during the whole time, so troublesome 
had been the gnats and mosquitoes. He reached the 
Ohio opposite the island in the river at the post just 
named, where, seeing a man across the channel, he 
called to him. He had, however, great difficulty in 
persuading him to come to his relief. After telling 
him his name, and asking for particular persons who 
had been out in the expedition, the man was finally in- 

2 " The second night," says Slover, " I reached Cushakim ; next day- 
came to Newcomer's town." — Narr., p. 30. I have been unable to 
locate the former place. 

3 " I swam the Muskingum," is Slover's language, "at Oldcomer's 
town." This is another locality I have not been able to fix with any 
degree of certainty. 



378 Crawford's Expedition 

duced to come over and take him across, in his canoe, 
to Wheeling. 

"A certain Mr. Slover," wrote Irvine, from Fort 
Pitt, in his letter to Washington, of the nth of July, 
"came in yesterday, who was under sentence of death 
at the Shawanese towns. " No other arrival was after- 
ward chronicled by the commander of the Western De- 
partment. Slover, who, as one of the pilots, had led, 
on the morning of the 25th of May, the volunteers 
into the woods from Mingo Bottom, returned to Fort 
Pitt on the 10th of July — the last of all to reach the 
settlements. 

Note i. — I have seen one or two very brief published accounts, of 
escapes of stragglers from the army, that are not mentioned in these 
sketches; but these are unreliable. It is pretty extensively circu- 
lated that Dunlevy, the night of the beginning of the retreat, having 
been on the extreme western flank, engaged in conflict with the In- 
dians, was left, with one or two more, to make his way home as best 
he could. But that volunteer, in his application for a pension, dis- 
proves the statement. 

Note 2. — It will be remembered that Slover left the field at San- 
dusky, on the night the retreat began, without any knowledge of the 
presence of the British from Detroit. (See p. 267.) This is accounted 
for, from the fact that he was posted as sentry in the high grass on the 
southwest side of the grove during the afternoon of the 5th, while the 
Rangers were located to the northeast ; and he was not withdrawn from 
the outpost until after dark. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 379 



' CHAPTER XX. 

AWFUL DEATH OF CRAWFORD BY TORTURE — iith JUNE, 1782. 

IN the capture of Crawford, the Delawares had se- 
cured the cc Big Captain " of the invading army — a 
prize they were determined should not be lost, as 
evinced by his being guarded, from the Sandusky to 
the Tymochtee, by their two war-chiefs — The Pipe and 
Wingenund. Common prisoners were tomahawked 
with little ado ; but Crawford was reserved for a more 
terrible death. 

There was a fire burning at the spot where, on the 
afternoon of the nth of June, we left Crawford in 
charge of the Delawares, to follow the fortunes of 
Knight. Around that fire was a crowd of Indians — 
about thirty or forty men, and sixty or seventy squaws 
and boys. 1 

A few Wyandots were there, and Simon Girty with 
them, as already mentioned ; also Captain Elliott, it is 
believed, as he did not arrive at the Shawanese towns, 
where Slover was held captive, until after this date. 2 
cc Dr. Knight thinks a British captain was present," 
wrote Irvine to Washington, on the nth of July. 



1 Knight's Narr., p. 1 1. 

2 Stover' s Narr., p. 23. 



380 Crawford's Expedition 

cc He says he saw a person there who was dressed and 
appeared like a British officer." There, too, was Sam- 
uel Wells, the negro boy, who had been captured by the 
Indians, as previously stated, and who afterward stoutly 
affirmed to early white settlers in the Sandusky country 
that his employment, at the time, was the holding of 
Girty's horse. A spectator, likewise, but an unwilling 
and horrified one, was Dr. Knight, who stood at a 
short distance from the fire, securely bound and guarded 
by the rough-visaged Tutelu. 

Within hearing distance at least, if not in the crowd 
around the fire, was Christian Fast, a boy seventeen 
years of age, who, the year previous, having enlisted in 
that part of Westmoreland which soon after became 
Fayette county, as a member of the expedition from 
Western Pennsylvania that descended the Ohio river 
in aid of George Rogers Clark, was captured when 
near the Falls (Louisville) and taken to Sandusky. 
Fast, it seems, saw Crawford either at the Half King's 
town or at Wingenund's camp, and had a conversation 
with him, the particulars of which are unknown. 3 

Crawford was stripped naked and ordered to sit down. 
It is a tradition seemingly well authenticated that his 
clothes, especially his hat, which was made of leather, 
were long after in the keeping of the Delawares. The 

3 Knapp's Hist. Asbland County, pp. 507, 508. The particulars of 
the capture and final escape of young Fast are interesting. They are 
given in full in Mr. Knapp's history. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 381 

Indians now beat him with sticks and their fists; 4 and, 
presently after. Knight was treated in the same manner. 
The fatal stake — a post about fifteen feet high — had been 
set firmly in the ground. Crawford hands were bound 
behind his back, and a rope fastened — one end to the 
foot of the post, and the other to the ligature between 
his wrists. 5 The rope was long enough for him to sit 

4 A Wyandot tradition runneth to the contrary of this; but, in ad- 
dition to the positive assertion of Knight, there is the fact that such 
treatment always preceded the torturing to death of prisoners by the 
savages. Knight's swollen jaw afterward fully attested the severity of 
bis beating. 

5 Whether Heckewelder's statement (Narr. Miss. 338, 339) of 
what transpired just before Crawford " was tied to the stake," is the 
result of his being imposed upon by Indians, or of an unwonted zeal, 
or both, it is now impossible to determine; certain it is, however, that 
all of it is fictitious. He says : 

" * Where is Williamson, the head murderer?' was the call of the 
Indians from every quarter. They being told that he had been one of 
the first who fled from the ground, they cried out, * Revenge ! revenge ! 
on those we have in our power for the murder of the Christian In- 
dians on the Muskingum, and our friends at Pittsburg!' 

" ' These (said they to one another) have come out on a similar ex- 
pedition, and with the same men who committed that atrocious mur- 
der on our friends and relatives, to do the same to us ; they are all 
alike ! — they want our country from us, and knew no better way of 
obtaining it, than by killing us first ! for this very reason they killed 
the believing Indians at Pittsburg !' 

" They called aloud for the surviving Christian Indians to come for- 
ward and take revenge on these prisoners ; but they having removed, 



Crawford* s Expedition 



down, or walk around the post once or twice and re- 
turn the same way. Crawford then called to Girty and 
asked if they intended to burn him. Girty answered, 
cc Yes." He then replied he would take it all patiently. 
Upon this, Captain Pipe made a speech to the Indians, 
who, at its conclusion, yelled a hideous and hearty as- 
sent to what had been said. 6 

their savage relations stepped forward in their stead. ' The fire was 
kindled, and poor Crawford was tied to the stake." 

6 In this crowd was Wingenund. That this chief should have at- 
tempted afterward to shift the responsibility of all participation in the 
torture of Crawford upon others, or that he should have endeavored 
to excuse the deed as justifiable on the ground that the Americans had 
shown no quarter to Moravian Indians upon the Muskingum, is not at 
all incredible; that he did both is quite probable; but it was not so 
done by him until he had discovered that the act was odious in the 
sight of the British at Detroit. In recording the conversation and de- 
scribing the feelings of this Delaware concerning the matter, Hecke- 
welder has so drawn upon his own imagination, that it is extremely 
difficult (indeed, quite impossible) to say how much of it is from Win- 
genund, or how much from his own fertile brain. From whichever 
source it may have proceeded, its absurdity is palpable : 

" Once (it was the first time he [Wingenund] came into Detroit 
after Crawford's sufferings) I heard him censured in his own presence 
by some gentlemen who were standing together, for not having saved 
the life of so valuable a man, who was always his particular friend, as 
he had often told them. He listened calmly to their censure, and first 
turning to me said in his own language : ' These men talk like fools,' 
then turning to them, he replied in English : 'If King George him- 
self — if your King — had been on the spot with all his ships laden 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 383 

The spot where Crawford was now to be immolated 
to satisfy the revengeful thirst of the Delawares for the 
blood of the borderers, was in what is now Crawford 

with goods and treasures, he could not have ransomed my friend, nor 

saved his life from the rage of z justly exasperated multitude.' 

* 
" He made no further allusion to the act that had been the cause of 

Crawford's death [the Gnadenhiitten massacre, as Heckewelder will 

have it], and it was easy to perceive that on this melancholy subject 

grief was the feeling that predominated in his mind. He felt much 

hurt, however, at this unjust accusation, from men who, perhaps, he 

might think, would have acted very differently in his place. 

" For, let us consider in what a situation he found himself, at that 
trying and critical moment. He was a Delaware Indian and a highly 
distinguished character among his nation. The offense w^as national 
and of the most atrocious kind, as it was wanton and altogether un- 
provoked [the Gnadenhiitten massacre is again "referred to]. He 
might have been expected to partake with all the rest of his country- 
men, in the strong desire w T hich they felt for revenge. He had been 
Crawford's friend, it is true, and various acts of sociability and friend- 
ship had been interchanged between them. But no doubt, at that 
time, he believed him, at least, not to be an enemy ; — he might have 
expected him to be, like himself, a fair, open, generous foe. 

" But when he finds him enlisted with those who are waging a war 
of extermination against the Indian race, murdering in cold blood, and 
without distinction of age or sex, even those who had united their fate 
to that of the whites, and had said to the Christians — c Your people 
shall be cur peop'e, and your God our God ' (Ruth i, 16), was there 
not enough here to make him disbelieve all the former professions of 
such a man [Crawford], and to turn his abused friendship into the most 
violent enmity and the bitterest rage ? 

"Instead of this, we see him persevering to the last in his attach- 
ment to a person, who, to say the least, had ceased to be deserving of 



384 Crawford's Expedition 

township, Wyandot county — a short distance northeast 
from the present town of Crawfordsville. 7 

Colonel John Johnston describes the place as <c a few 
miles west of Upper Sandusky, on the old trace lead- 
ing to the Big Spring Wyandot town. It was on the 
right hand of the trace going west, on a low bottom 
on the east bank of the Tymochtee creek." 8 

cc I have been on the ground often," is the testimony 
of a resident of that part of Crawford which soon after 

\t. We see him, in the face of his enraged countrymen, avow that 
friendship, careless of the jealousy he might excite. We see him not 
only abstain from participating in the national revenge, but deserting 
his post, as it were, seeking a solitary spot to bewail the death of him, 
whom, in spite of all, he still loved, and felt not ashamed to call 
his friend. 

" It is impossible for friendship to be put to a severer test, and the 
example of Wingenund proves how deep a root this sentiment can take 
in the mind of an Indian, whenever such circumstances as those under 
which the chief found himself, fail to extinguish it." 

7 It was somewhere on what is now the south half cf section twenty- 
six, of township one south, of range thirteen east, of the government 
survey; the precise spot I do not attempt to locate. 

8 Howe's His. Coll. Obio, p. 546. It should be remembered, how- 
ever, that the "Big Spring Wyandot town" was not in existence un- 
til long after the year 1782. 

Howe, in 1847, thought he had found the exact spot. He then 
wrote : " The precise spot is now owned by the heirs of Daniel 
Hodge, and is a beautiful green, with some fine oak trees in its vicinity." 

" The locality is on the Tyamoherty, about four miles above its 
junction with the Sandusky." — The Forest Rangers. By Andrew Cof- 
fin berry, p. 100, note 9. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 385 

became Wyandot county; "it is near to the creek 
bank, [Tymochtee] on the east side. This land is now 
[1844] owned by Daniel Hodge; and, in place of a 
bare piece of ground, as is reported, and that there will 
no grass grow on the spot, it is a beautiful grove, and 
some fine, healthy white-oak trees growing near, which 
the now occupant, Mr. William Richey, promises to 
preserve for future generations." 9 

" The spot is on the southeast bank of the Ty- 
mochtee," writes an old-time resident in the vicinity, 
cc on lands owned by the heirs of Daniel Hodge, in 
Crawford township, about five miles from the mouth 
of the creek." "This information," continues the 
writer, "I obtained from the Wyandots living here 
when I came to the country in 1821, and from two 
negroes, Jonathan Pointer and Samuel Wells, cap- 
tured by the Indians when small boys. They were in- 
telligent and spoke good English." 10 

The following is from an early settler 11 in Crawford 
township : " From all I could learn when I came to 
the vicinity in 1823, the spot was then owned by Daniel 
Hodge — afterward belonging to his heirs." 

9 Joseph McCutchen. — The American Pioneer, vol. ii, p. 284. 

10 Jonathan Kear — Notes to the author: 1872. I am informed by 
William Walker that Pointer was at Brownstown, on the Detroit 
river, when Crawford was brought to the Tymochtee ; his informa- 
tion, therefore, must have been derived from others. For a sketch of 
Pointer, see His. Wyandot Miss., p. 78. 

11 Hon. John Carey, of Carey, Wyandot county, Ohio. — Notes to 
the author : 1872. 



386 Crawford's Expedition 



"When the Wyandots resided in what was then 
known as western Crawford, now Wyandot county," 
writes William Walker, " the precise spot was pointed 
out to many inquirers and early white settlers, by the 
Indians. The place is about seven miles northwest 
from Upper Sandusky, near Carey, but nearer to 
Crawfordsville, and near to the east bank of the Ty- 
mochtee creek." 

"Find a brick house," continues the writer, "built 
in early times by Daniel Hodge, who died a few years 
afterward, leaving an only daughter; she married 
William Richey. They inherited the farm. From 
this house proceed, I think, a little north of west, 
nearly a quarter of a mile to a piece of rising ground, 
near the east bank of the Tymochtee creek. If not 
cleared, fenced, and cultivated, the spot is surrounded 
with (or was then) a grove of young white-oaks. 

" When I first visited the place in the spring of 
1 8 14, there was no grass or weeds growing on the 
spot ; but, on disturbing the surface, ashes and char- 
coal appeared. The spot was pointed out to me by a 
Wyandot of high respectability who was present when 
Crawford was tied to the stake, and was in the engage- 
ment at Battle Island, where he was wounded in the 
mouth, injuring the tongue and shattering the left jaw. 
This Wyandot died in Michigan, about the year 1827, 
aged over ninety years." 12 

12 Original communication: 1872. It is suggested that the fact of 



Against Sandusky ', 1782. 387 

That the stake was planted in the immediate vicin- 
ity, so abundantly described, there can be no doubt. 
Besides, we have the positive statement of Knight that 
the place was three-quarters of a mile from cc Cap- 
tain Pipe's house" 13 — the Delaware village upon the 
Tymochtee. Here, then, at about four o'clock in the 
afternoon, of Tuesday, June 11, 1782, the torture 
began. 14 

The Indian men took up their guns and shot powder 
into Crawford's naked body from his feet as far up as 
his neck. It was the opinion of Knight that not less 
than seventy loads were discharged upon him ! They 
then crowded about him, and, to the best of Knight's 
observation, cut off both his ears ; for when the throng 
had dispersed, he saw the blood running from both 
sides of his head ! 1£ 

Walker's finding the spot bare as late as 1814, may prove of interest 
to those who have always put confidence in the report that no grass 
would grow where Crawford was tortured. 

13 Knight's Narr., p. 12. 

li The legislature of Ohio, finding this particular locality within the 
limits of one of the new counties erected in 1820 out of the New 
Purchase, very appropriately gave that one the name of Crawford. 
Afterward, on the 3d of February, 1845, the county of Wyandot was 
set off" from western Crawford, when the spot fell within the limits 
of the new county. 

15 The reader will not fail to appreciate the absurdity of the follow- 
ing account of the torture by Heckewelder (Narr., p. 342) : " The 
torture Crawford had to endure was a double one, during which he 



Crawford 's Expedition 



The fire was about six or seven yards from the post 
to which Crawford was tied. 16 It was made of small 
hickory poles burnt quite through in the middle, each 
end of the poles remaining about six feet in length. 
Three or four Indians by turns would take up, indi- 
vidually, one of these burning pieces of wood, and* 
apply it to his naked body, already burnt black with 
powder. 

was often mockingly asked how he felt; and whether they did as well 
to him, as he had done to the believing Indians ; — they adding, ■ We 
have to learn barbarities of you white people !' " 

Equally as absurd is his account of the events transpiring from the 
time Crawford and his men found nothing but " empty Moravian 
huts " upon their reaching the Sandusky, to the close of the campaign. 
It is as follows : " They [Crawford and his men] shaped their course 
toward the hostile Indian villages, where being, contrary to their ex- 
pectations, furiously attacked, Williamson and his band took the advantage 
of a dark night and ran off; and the whole party escaped, except one 
Colonel Crawford, and another, who, being taken by the Indians, 
were carried in triumph to their village, where the former was con- 
demned to death by torture, and the punishment was inflicted with all 
the cruelty which rage could invent. The latter was demanded by 
the Shawanese, and sent to them for punishment." — His. Ind. Nations, 
p. 216. His subsequent statement {JSIarr. Miss. 338) modifies this 
somewhat. He says : " In the pursuit, many were killed, and poor 
Colonel Crawford, together with a Dr. McKnight, had the misfor- 
tune to be taken prisoners." 

16 Crawford, it will be seen, was not " burned at the stake," in the 
strict sense of that term, like the martyrs of old ; the savages were 
more refined in their modes of torture. In Slover's case, the wood, 
it will be remembered, was placed four feet from the post. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 389 

These tormentors presented themselves on every 
side of him, so that, whichever way he ran round the 
post, they met him with the burning fagots. Some of 
the squaws took broad boards, upon which they would 
carry a quantity of burning coals and hot embers and 
throw on him ; so that, in a short time, he had nothing 
but coals of fire and hot ashes to walk on ! 

In the midst of these extreme tortures, Crawford 
called to Girty and begged of him to shoot him ; but 
the white savage making no answer, he called again. 
Girty then, by way of derision, told Crawford he had 
no gun ; at the same time turning about to an Indian 
who was behind him, he laughed heartily, and, by all his 
gestures, seemed delighted at the horrid scene! 17 

Girty then came up to Knight and bade him prepare 
for death. He told him, however, he was not to die at 

17 The reason given, upon the authority of a Wyandot tradition, for 
the non-interference of Girty, either to save his old acquaintance or 
put an end to his misery, as stated by McCutchen (Amer. Pioneer, ii, 
283), is, the rebuke he got " the day before" from Captain Pipe! 
"Colonel Johnston informs us," writes Howe {Hist. Coll. Ohio, 549), 
"that he has been told, by Indians present on the occasion, that Girty 
was among the foremost in inflicting tortures upon their victim." I 
am compelled, however, to the belief that Girty took no part in Craw- 
ford's torture : simply a spectator and nothing more. Greatly delighted, 
as stated by Knight, he undoubtedly was, at the horrid spectacle; but, 
along with a few Wyandots present, only a looker-on. The Delawares 
afterward, in their intercourse with the whites, sought, very naturally, 
to throw the odium, as much as possible, upon Girty. 



2go Crawford' s Expedition 

that place, but was to be burnt at the Shawanese 
towns. He swore, with a fearful oath, that he need not 
expect to escape death, but should suffer it in all its 
extremities ! He then observed that some prisoners had 
given him to understand, that if the Americans had 
him they would not hurt him. For his part, he said 
he did not believe it ; but desired to know Knight's 
opinion of the matter. The latter, however, was in 
too great anguish and distress, on account of the tor- 
ments Crawford was suffering before his eyes, as well as 
the expectation of undergoing the same fate in two 
days, to made any answer to the monster. Girty ex- 
pressed a great deal of ill-will for Colonel Gibson, 18 
saying he was one of his greatest enemies — and more 
to the same purpose; to all which Knight paid but 
little attention. 

Crawford, at this period of his suffering, besought 
the Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very 
low, and bore his torments with the most manly forti- 
tude. He continued, in all the extremities of pain, 
for an hour and three-quarters or two hours longer, as 
near as Knight could judge; when, at last, being 
almost spent, .he lay down upon his stomach. 19 



18 Colonel John Gibson — the same who was in command of the Vir- 
ginia regiment at Fort Pitt, to which Dr. Knight belonged. 

19 The Wyandot and Delaware traditions, concerning the scenes at 
the torture, differ in minor details from the account given by Knight. 
I have followed, however, the statements of the latter, with the most 
implicit confidence in their truthfulness. 



Against Sandusky, 1782. 391 

The savages then scalped him, and repeatedly threw 
the scalp into the face of Knight, telling him that was 
his "great captain." An old squaw, whose appearance, 
thought Knight, every way answered the ideas people 
entertain of the devil, got a board, took a parcel of 
coals and ashes, and laid them on his back and head. 
He then raised himself upon his feet and began to 
walk around the post. 

They next put burning sticks to him, as usual ; but 
he seemed more insensible of pain than before. Knight 
was now taken away from the dreadful scene. 

It was a tradition, long after repeated by the Dela- 
wares and Wyandots, that Crawford breathed his last 
just at the going down of the sun. On the following 
morning, when Knight started for the Shawanese towns, 
he was conducted to the spot where Crawford had suf- 
fered, as it was partly in the direction he and his Dela- 
ware guard were taking. He saw the bones of his 
commander, lying among the remains of the fire, almost 
burnt to ashes. The Delaware told Knight that was 
his " Big Captain," at the same time giving the scalp 
halloo. 20 

After Crawford died — so runs the tradition — the 
fagots were heaped together, his body placed upon 

20 A fearful yell, consisting of the sounds aw and ob, successively ut- 
tered; the last drawn out at great length — as long as the breath will 
hold, and raised about an octave higher than the first. 



39 2 Crawford *s Expedition. 

them, and around his charred remains danced the de- 
lighted savages for many hours. 

When the news of the torture reached the Shawanese 
villages the exultation was very great. 21 Not so when 
the awful story was repeated in the settlements upon 
the border. A gloom was spread on every counte- 
nance. Crawford's melancholy end was lamented by all 
who knew him. Heart-rending was the anguish in a 
lonely cabin upon the banks of the Youghiogheny. 
There were few men on the frontiers, at that time, 
whose loss could have been more sensibly felt or more 
keenly deplored. 

The language of Washington, upon this occasion, 
shows the depth of his feeling: " It is with the greatest 
sorrow and concern that I have learned the melancholy 
tidings of Colonel Crawford's death. He was known 
to me as an officer of much care and prudence ; brave, 
experienced, and active. The manner of his death was 
shocking to me; and I have this day communicated 
to the honorable, the Congress, such papers as I have 
regarding it." 22 In a letter to Irvine, at Fort Pitt, 
written on the 6th of August, he says: "I lament the 
failure of the expedition against Sandusky, and am 
particularly affected with the disastrous death of Col- 
onel Crawford." 

21 Stover's Narr., p. 26. 

22 Washington to Moore, 27th July, 1782. 



INDEX. 



Address to Crawford, ioq, 106. 

Albach's Annals of the West, 80. 

Alder MS. 328. 

Alexander, Emperor of Russia, 300, 310. 

Alexander, James, 247. 

American Archives, 100. 

American Pioneer The, 31, 230, 2 3 1, 247, 

337, 3 8 5, 3 8 9- 

Amherst, General, 17. 

"Armstrong's Bottom," 154, 202. 

Armstrong, General John, 20. 

Armstrong, Silas, 154. 

Arnold, the traitor, 20. 

Arundle, a trader, 192, 193. 

Ashley, Lieutenant, wounded, 212; as- 
sisted by Biggs, 220 5 overtaken by 
Crawford, 3145 escapes the savages, 
317 ; killed and scalped, 331. 

Augusta county, Va., 89, 124. 

Bailey, Francis, 4, 323, 324, 325. 
Barker, Joseph, 247. 
" Battle Island," 213, 235, 363, 386. 
Battle of Olentangy, 233, et seq.; Ameri- 
cans victorious, 2345 their loss, ib.\ 

an incident, 235, et seq. 
Battle of Sandusky, 207 ; " close and 

hot," 208 5 the enemy draw back, ib. ; 

incidents of the battle-field, 209, et 

seq.; killed and wounded, 212, 213. 
Beall, Captain Robert, 261. 
Bean, Joseph, elected captain, 765 re- 

connoitering adventure of, 141 ; shot, 

but recovers, 235. 
Beeson, elected captain, 75. 
Believing Indians, see Christian Indians. 
Beesontown (Uniontown, Pa.), 67, 75, 

284, 291. 
Bell, Captain, 254. 
Berry, Jr., Hon. Curtis, 203. 
Betty, "a mulatto girl," 118. 
"Billy Wyandot," 163. 
" Big Captain Johnny," 211. 
Big Foot, the Poes' encounter with, 270, 

et seq. 
Biggs, John, elected captain, 76; takes 

the advance, 138 ; takes a scalp, 212 j 



aids Lieutenant Ashley, 220; over- 
taken by Crawford and Knight, 314; 
Knight lends him his horse, 316; am- 
bushed, ib.; escapes, 317; his fate, 

33 1 -. 

Big Spring Wyandot town, 169, 384. 

Boice, captured by savages, 49. 

Botetourt, Lord, 93. 

Boundary controversy, 12, 44, 98, 99. 

Bouquet, Colonel Henry, 169, 170, 183; 
his Expedition, 83. 

Brackenridge, Hugh H., cited, 4, 90, 
113, 120, 324, 338, 339, 346, 347, 
348 5 biographical sketch of, 325. 

Brady, Lieutenant Samuel, 255. 

Brashears, Zsch. 247. 

Brice's History of Fort Wayne, 367. 

Brinton, elected field-major, 77 ; his 
character, 124; reconnoitering adven- 
ture of, 141 ; is wounded, 212; Major 
Leet takes his command, 219, 220; 
returns home, 296. 

Brodhead, Colonel Daniel, 7, 10, I 1, 
254 5 his Muskingum expedition, 8, 
9, 36, 157, 250; his expedition up the 
Allegheny, 129, 255 ; his MS. Order 
Book, 6. 

Broken Sword creek, 146, 181, 326, 328, 

3 2 9- 
Brown, Jos., see "Jos. Brown." 
Brown, Joseph, 249. 
Brown's Map Wyandot Reservation, 205* 

213. 
Brown, Thomas, 249. 
Brown, William, 205, 213. 
Bryson, Peggy, 282. 
Burdin, Charles, 248. 
Butler, General Richard, killed, 197. 
Butler's Rangers, 173, 174, 176. 180, 

216, 228, 234, 239, 267, 327, 378. 
Butler's Spring, 142. 
Byrd, Colonel, 85. 

Cane, Samuel, 247. 

Canon, Colonel John, 2545 Daniel, 139* 

209, 210. 
Carey, Hon. John, 385. 



394 



Index. 



Carlton, Sir Guy (British), 324. 

Carmichael, Maj )r, 45. 

Carpenter, John, 34, 35, 37, 38. 

Carson, Alexander, 139. 

Case, William, 248. 

Catfish Camp (Cattish), 275. 

Catfish (Washington, Pa.), 67, 253, 

281, 282, 287, 366. 
Cathcart, Mary, 229. 
Chadwick, John, 367. 
Chambers, sons of, murdered, 268. 
Cherry, young, killed, 274. 
Chilloway, Job or William, see " Tom 

Jelloway." 
Christian Indians, 3, 4, 9, 36, 37, 38, 

70, 78, 79, 80, 140, 152, 155, 156, 

172, 177, 180, 181, 190, 194, 231, 

*5 2 > 3 X 7> 33*> 338, 339. 34°, 359> 
360. 

Claris Campaign, 108. 

Clark, Colonel Geo. Rogers, IO, II, 26, 
108, 189, 363, 380. 

Clark, Captain, 189. 

Clark, Richard, 247. 

Cieghorn, surgeon, 16. 

Coffinberry's Forest Rangers, 384. 

Cole, Lady, 16. 

Colonial Records, compilation of, 78. 

Connell, Anne, 117; James, ib.; Nancy, 
ib.; Polly, ib. ; William, /£. 

Connell, Zach. 247. 

Cook, Edward, 28, 43, 45, 261, 279, 
295. 

Cook, Moses, 250. 

Corbly, John, attacked by Indians, 61. 

Cornwallis, Lord (British), 49, 112, 349. 

Council of Censors, 297, 298, 304, 306. 

Cox, Captain Isaac, 253. 

Craword, Colonel William, elected 
commander of the expedition against 
Sandusky, 77; his birth, parentage, 
and childhood, 81, ct seq.; he learns 
the art of surveying, S3 ; commissioned 
ensign, and joins Braddock's army, ib. ; 
employed afterward upon the frontier, 
84; receives a captain's commission, 
and recruits a company, 85 ; presses a 
wagoner into service, ib. ; marches to 
the reduction of Fort du Quesne, 88 ; 
remains in the army three years, and 
then jeturns home, ib. ; examines 
the valley of the Youghiogheny, and 
locates upon that river, 895 removes 
his family there, 90 ; selects lands for 
Washington, 91, et seq.; follows and 
captures a murderer, 93; appointed 



justice of the peace for Cumberland 
county, 94 ; he is visited by Washing- 
ton, ib. ; accompanies Washington 
down the Ohio, 95, et seq. ; appointed 
justice of the peace for Bedford county, 
97 5 made presiding justice of West- 
moreland county, ib. ; serves as captain 
in Dunmore's War, 99- removed from 
office in Westmoreland county, 10 1 : 
accepts office under Virginia, ib. ; sides 
with the colonies against Great Britain, 
102 j recruits a regiment for Conti- 
nental service, 103 ; receives a colonel's 
commission, ib.; serves under Wash- 
ington upon the sea-board, 104; re- 
pairs to Fort Pitt, 105; takes com- 
mand of a Virginia regiment, 106 j 
builds Fort Crawford, 107 j invited to 
join Clark's expedition to the Illinois, 
108 ; engaged under Mcintosh in the 
Detroit expedition, 109; he has a nar- 
row escape, no 5 leads small parties 
against the savages, 1 1 1 ; aids the 
abortive expedition of Clark and Gib- 
son, 112 ; retires from the army, ib. ; 
his chkdren and grandchildren, 113; 
his pleasure at home, 114; resolves to 
join the Sandusky expedition, 115; 
prepares to leave home, 1165 makes 
his will, 117 5 has an interview with 
Irvine at Fort Pitt, 118; arrives at 
Mingo Bottom, 119 5 Goodman's 
memoir of, ib. ; Brackenridge's sketch 
of, 1205 his expectation of being 
elected commander, 121 ; he marches 
for Sandusky, I 36, et seq. ; changes his 
course, 138; guards against surprises, 
ib. ; reaches the Muskingum, 139, et 
seq.; he crosses the Killbuck, 142; 
reaches the Sandusky, 143, et seq.; ar- 
rives at the Sandusky Plains, 148 ; 
marches through them, 1 5 1 ; finds the 
Wyandot town uninhabited, 153; or- 
ders a halt, ib. ; moves in search of 
Wyandot settlements, 202 ; calls a 
council of war, 203 ; resolves to march 
but a few hours longer in search of the 
enemy, ib. ; discovers the savages, 205, 
et seq.; attacks the enemy, 207; 
fights the battle of Sandusky, 208 5 
prepares for a final attack, 215 ; dis- 
covers the enemy largely reinforced, 
216} resolves on a retreat, 217; com- 
mences the return march, 2205 is 
missed by the army, 224; he is re- 
ported missing to Irvine, 243 ; cause 



Index. 



395 



of his separation from the army, 311; 
his wanderings homeward, 312, etseq.; 
he is captured, 316; taken to Winge- 
nund's camp, 317; sent for by Cap- 
tain Pipe and Wingenund, 3295 his 
death warrant, 330 ; he is to march 
to Sandusky, 331; goes to the Half 
King's town, 332; has an interview 
with Simon Girty, 3335 arrives at 
Upper Sandusky Old Town, 334; 
painted black, 335; taken toward the 
Tymochtee, 336; Girty's faithlessness 
to him, 3 37 4 cause of his death sen- 
tence — query, 338, ct sea. ; beaten by 
the savages, 341; reaches the Tymoch- 
tee, ib. j he is stripped naked, 3805 
tied to a stake, 381 ; his resignation, 
382 ; powder shot into his body, 387; 
his ears cut off. ib. ; fire applied to his 
body, 388 ; he begs Girty to shoot 
him, 389; scalped, 391; live coals 
laid on him, ib. ; his remainscharred, 
ib. ; the savages dance around them, 
392 5 exultation at the Shawanese vil- 
lages, 392; gloom upon the border, 
ib. ; his death lamented by Washing- 
ton, ib. 

Crawford county, Ohio, erected, 144; 
Sandusky river flows through, 145; 
Sandusky Plains in, 149, 150; the 
county named Craivford, why, 387. 

Crazvford County (Ohio) Forum, 119. 

Crawford county, Pa., set off, 144. 

Crawford, Effie, 90; Hannah, 90, 117, 
118, 289, 290, 291, 296, 297 5 John, 
90, 113, 115, 117, 118, 247, 249, 
295, 296; Moses, 1175 h ichard, ib. ; 
Sarah, 90, 113, 347, 3485 William, 
son of John, 117; William, son of 
Valentine, 138, 138, 311, 333, 346; 
Valentine, 81, 118. 

Crawford's Defeat, a "poem," 76, 77,212. 

11 Crawford's Bafle Ground," 213. 

Creigh, Dr. Alfred, Notes, 81 ; Hist. 
Wash. Co. 15, 50, 213, 282. 

Cressap, Captain Daniel, 254; Mike, ib. 

Crook, Colonel, 45, 265. 

*• Crooked Knife creek, "(Broken Sword), 
329. 

Crow, Captain John, 254. 

Custard, John, 249. 

Custis, Miss, 97. 

Daniel, a " mulatto man," 117. 
Darlington, William M., notice of, 146; 
assistance rendered by, 147. 



Darby, William, 259, 282. 

Dawson, Nicholas, bewildered, 283 ; con- 
vinced against his will, 2845 John, 
283. 

Dean, John, 247. 

De Hass, Wills, Hist. Ind. Wars W. Va., 
cited and approved, 33, 92, 129, 259, 
274; cited and criticised, 54, 79, 80, 
121, 274, 294. 

Delaware town (or village), see Pipe's 
town. 

Detroit, 2, 4, 5, 6, 10, 26, 27, 50, 70, 
109, 112, 156, 159, 163, 164, 165, 
166, 177, 180, 186, 188, 189, 190, 
191, 192, 193, 201, 216, 267, 327, 

3 5 2 - 

Dick, a " negro man," 117. 

Dinwiddie, Governor, 94. 

Doddridge, Rev. Jos., Notes, cited and 
approved, 40, 54, 122, 274; cited and 
criticised, 41, 57, 70, 72, 78, 79, 121, 
141, 156, 159, 203, 217, 228, 229, 

2 39» 2 5 r > 2 5 2 > 2 74, 2 94, 2 95- 

Dodge's Red Men 0. Vali. 80, 339. 

Dorman, Timothy, taken prisoner, 35. 

Drake's Die. Amer. Biog. 20. 

Draper, Lyman C, notes of, 180. 

Drv, Wm., see " Wm. Dry." 

Dualls, Samuel, 247. 

Dunlevy, Anthony, 252, 253; A. H. 
78; Walker's Notes to 199, 201; 
sees "Big Captain Johnny," 211 ; 
Francis, 77, 211, 252-257; his de- 
claration for a pension and MS. notes 
cited, 129, 142, 143, 208, 212, 214, 
223, 224, 234, 235, 239, 240; a 
fiction concerning him, 378. 

Dunmore, Lord, 97, 99, 101. 

Duval, Lewis, 248. 

Early Hist. West. Pa. 339. 

Edgar, James, 45. 

Edmondson, Captain, 95. 

Elliott, Captain Matthew, hurries up the 
Sandusky, 1765 a tory, ib. ; arrival in 
the Indian country, ib. ; taken to De- 
troit, 177 ; commissioned a captain, 
ib. ; his subsequent career, ib. $ assumes 
command at Sandusky, 178; holds 
back the Wyandots, 206; his orders 
to Captain Pipe, 207 ; arrives at Wa- 
patomica, 349 ; believed to have been 
at Crawford's torture, 379. 

Elliott, Commodore, 178. 

Ellis, Captain, 255. 

Euler, John, 117. 



39 6 



Index, 



Evans, John, 44, 254, 262. 
Ewing, Nathaniel, communication from, 
75- 

Fairfax, Lord, 81. 

Fast, Christian, 380. 

Fayette county, Pa., erected, 89. 

Ferrol, Captain, 254. 

Fink, Henry, attacked by Indians, 33 ; 
John, killed, ib. 

Finley's Hist. Wyandot Miss. 168, 385. 

Flood, Andrew, 254. 

Forbes, General, 29, 85. 

Forts: Crawford, 1075 Dunmore, 99; 
Henry, 4, 8, 23, 24, 28, 277 ; Lau- 
rens, 7, 109, in, 373; Mcintosh, 6, 

8, 373 5 Pitt > 3. 5, 6 > *h *h 29, 41, 

42, 94. 
Foster, Hon. Charles, assistance from, 71. 
Frank, Michael, 247. 
Freeman's Journal, 323. 

Gaddis, Thomas, elected field-major, 77; 
his home, 123; biographical sketch, 
ib. ; reimbursed for losses in the San- 
dusky expedirion, 247; returns home, 
296. 

Galaxy, The, 134. 

Gard, Jeremiah, 247. 

Gibson, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, 
425 Colonel John, 7, 11, 22, 26, 28, 

29* 3°> 3*> 3 2 > 33, 3 6 > 3 8 , 39, 4*> 
126, 253, 254, 255, 390. 
Girty, George, 183, 276, 353; James, 
183, 3495 Thomas, 183; Simon, 
182; his birth and parentage, ib.; 
captured by the Senecas, 1835 returns 
to the settlements, ib. ,• associates with 
Kenton and Crawford, ib. ; deserts to 
the enemy, 1845 his hostility to the 
Americans assured, 1 8 5 5 captured by 
the Wyandots, 186; arrives at Detroit, 
ib. ; employed in the British Indian 
department, ib. ; resides with the 
Wyandots, 187; saves the life of 
Kenton, 1885 his wild career against 
the border, 188, 189; attempts the 
life of Zeisberger, 189, et seq.; his 
treatment of the Moravian mission- 
aries, 190, et seq.; assists against Craw- 
ford, 194; his subsequent history, 195, 
et seq. ; his appearance and character, 
199 ; his savageness and ferocity, 200 ; 
his fool-hardiness, ib. ; his fear of 
being captured, 201 5 in the advance 
against the Americans, 206 ; his con- 



spicuity at the battle of Sandusky, 
208 ; his voice recognized, 218 5 sup- 
posed by some to have chief command, 
219 ; his presence at Fort Pitt in 1777, 
2545 his interview with Crawford at 
Half King's town, 332, et seq. ; crosses 
the Plains to witness his torture, 336; 
speaks to him, ib. ; fails to intercede 
for him, 337; Crawford begs him to 
shoot him, 389; his delight at the 
scene, ib. ; bids Knight prepare for 
death, 389, 390; expresses ill-will 
for Colonel Gibson, 390. 

Gist, Thomas, 117; neighborhood of, 
362. 

Gnadenhiitten, 95 the "massacre" 
at, 38 ; locality of, 139. 

Goodman, Alfred T., 119, 120. 

Graham, Noble, 247. 

Graham, Richard, 249. 

Greentown, 143. 

Guffee, James, 250. 

Hale, Richard, 249. 

Half King, 163, 170, 189, 191, 329, 

3 3°.. 3 57- 
Half King's town, see Sandusky of 1782. 
Hall, Colonel William, 247. 
Hall, Edward, 247. 
Hall's Rem. Wes. Hist. 88. 
Hamilton, Henry (British), 2, 4, 177, 

186, 189. 
Hand, Brigadier-General Edward, 5, 105, 

184, 253. 
Hanna, Robert, 97. 
Hannah's-town, 101, 268, 269. 
Harbaugh, Daniel, 225, 226, 227, 291. 
Hardin, Jr., John, 248 5 John, father, 

2 55- 
Harmar, General Josiah, campaign of, 

171, 196, 306, 367. 
Harrison, Benj., Governor of Virginia, 

I4 .' 53- 
Harrison, Colonel William, 94, 113, 

115, 116, 117, "8, 295, 311, 333, 

346, 347, 348; Lawrence, 347; 

Sarah (Colonel Crawford's daughter), 

113, 118, 349, 
Harrison, General William H. 211, 368. 
Harris, S. R., information from, 274. 
Hartley, Lieutenant-Colonel, 131. 
Hay, Lieutenant, 24, 25, 28. 
Hazard, Mr., compiler Colonial Record, 

78. 
Hazle, a Canadian, 182. 
Heckewelder, John, followed by Dodd- 



Index. 



397 



ridge, 70 ; Hist. bid. Nations, cited 
and criticised, 72, 78, 79, 155, 156, 

3*7, 34i, 34-^ 35 6 ~3 6! , 3 8 --3 8 4, 
388 5 Narr. Morav. Miss., cited and 
approved, 54, 154, 173, 174,180, 
190-1945 the same cited and criticised, 
78, 79, 156, ail, 231, 328, 342, 381, 
387,3*8. 

Heming, Louis, 247. 

"H. H. Smith," 162. 

Hickman, Charles, 248. 

Hildreth's Hist. U. S. 79. 

Hill, John, 250. 

" H. Klipfer," 162. 

Historical Magazine, 310. 

Hoagland, elected a captain, 75 ; his fate 
uncertain, 281. 

Hodge, Daniel, 384, 385, 3S6. 

Hoge, Rev. James, 256. 

Hood, Andrew, elected captain, 76. 

Hoofnagle, Mr. 269. 

Hopkins, Richard, 250. 

Hough and Bourne's Map of Ohio, 143, 

3 2 9- 
Howe, General (British), 104. 
Howe's Hist. Coll. Ohio, 31, 195, 199, 

201, 274, 322, 328, 342, 354, 356, 

357, 384, 389- 
Huston, William, 259, 281. 

Ingham, John, 93. 
"Indian Stephen," murdered, 93. 
Indian Tribes: Cherokees, 352; Chip- 
pewas, ib. ; Delawares, 3, 5, 8, 9, 160, 

l6l, 167, 2C6, 207, 214, 217, 221, 
222, 316, 317, 329, 33O, 33 I, 332, 

334, 337, 339, 34^, 35 2 , 379, 3 8 °; 
383; Eries, 161; Iroquois, ib.; Mi- 
amis, 126, 127, 1535 Mingoes, 95, 
164, 189, 264, 3525 Monseys, 264, 
348, 352; Ottawas, 352; Senecas, 

184, 1865 Shawanese, 3, 30, 49, 60, 
127, 160, 161, 164, 169, 170, 173, 

185, 187, 217, 221, 222, 226, 322, 
352, 360 5 Wyandots, 2, 60, 80, 147, 
160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 
167, 172, 173, 174, 180, 182, 186, 
187, 194, 205, 206,207, 213, 214, 

264, 3 2 9, 333, 35 2 , 379, 386. 
Irvine, Brigadier-General William, 
appointed to command the Western 
Department, 13; his birth, parentage, 
education, and profession, 16; emi- 
grates to America and marries, 17; 
sides with the colonies against Great 
Britain, 18; raises and commands a 



Pennsylvania regiment, 19; marches 
into Canada, and is taken prisoner, ib. ; 
exchanged and commissioned brigadier- 
general, 20 ; his military career in the 
east, ib. ; repairs to Fort Pitt, and as- 
sumes command of the Western De- 
partment, 21 ; reforms the garrison, 
22, et seq. ; sends a militia force to 
Wheeling, 23, et sea. ,• attends to the 
condition of the country, 255 investi- 
gates a scheme against Detroit, 26, et 
seq. ; prepares to visit Congress, 28 ; 
starts for Philadelphia, 29 5 receives 
instructions from Washington, 41 ; 
returns to Fort Pitt, 425 reduces re- 
fractory troops to obedience, 43 ; calls 
a convention in the^- Western Depart- 
ment, ib. ; his exertions in protecting 
the frontier, 47 5 his attention called 
to a proposed expedition against San- 
dusky, 51; he carefully considers the 
proposition, 52 5 opposes a scheme for 
a new state, 53, ^r sea. ; his kindness 
to the Moravians, 54, et seq. ; consents 
to the Sandusky expedition, 58; writes 
to Moore concerning it, 59; notifies 
Washington of its assembling, 68 ; 
issues instructions to its commander, 
6y,etseq.; nominates a candidate for 
its first officer, 76; details two of his 
officers for the expedition, 77 5 urges 
Crawford to accept the command of, 
115 5 advises with him concerning the 
order of marching, 118 ; he is notified 
of Crawford's election, 119; his pref- 
erence for Crawford, 121 ; notified by 
Marshal of the failure of the campaign, 
241 ; receives from Williamson and 
Rose an account of the expedition, 
242, et seq. ; sends an official report to 
Washington, 244, et seq. ,• informs 
the executive of Pennsylvania of the 
failure of the expedition, 246; impor- 
tuned to organize another expedition 
against Sandusky, 261 : considers the 
proposition, 263 ; encourages the bor- 
derers, 276 ; the scheme abandoned, 
278, et seq.; his subsequent career and 
death, 301, et seq. 

Irvine, Callender, 210, 300, 301 ; Cap- 
tain Andrew, 17; Dr. Matthew, 17; 
Dr. William A., 210, 300, 304. 

Irvine's MS. Order-Book, 29, 43, 132. 

Jackson, Robert, 248. 
James, John H., note of, 323. 



39% 



Index. 



Jeffers, Ewell, 165. 

Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, 31. 

Jefferson, Thomas, President of United 
States, 42, 309 ; Governor of Vir- 
ginia, 363. 

Jelloway, Tom, see " Tom Jelloway," 

"John Newman," 168. 

"John Ricefarm," 291. 

Johnson, Margaret, 229. 

Johnston, William, 259, 281. 

Johnston, Colonel John, 357, 384, 389. 

jolly, Martin, 282. 

Jones' Spring, see Butler's Spring. 

"Jos. Brown," 168. 

Kean, John, 307. 

Rear, Jonathan, Notes of, 167, 174, 385. 

Kemp, Reuben, 247. 

Kendall, Thomas, 248. 

Kenton, Simon, 183, 187, 188. 

" Kilbourne road," 162, 163. 

Klipfer, H., see " H. Klipfer." 

Knapp's Hist. Ashland County, 143, 380. 

Knight, Dr. John, appointed surgeon, 
77; spared by Irvine for Sandusky, 
118; biographical sketch of, 1255 
solicited by Crawford to join the expe- 
dition, ib. ; reported missing. 224, et 
seq. ; accompanies Crawford after re- 
treat commenced, 311, et seq.; cap- 
tured by Delawarcs, 316; taken to 
Wingenund's camp, 317; marched to 
Upper Sandusky Old Town, 332; 
painted black, 334; guarded by Cap- 
tain Pipe and Wingenund to Little 
Tymochtee creek, 335, et seq.; put in 
charge of an Indian to be taken to the 
Shawanese towns, 336; beaten by the 
savages, 341 5 meets Simon Girty, ib. ; 
arrives at the Tymochtee, ib. ; taken 
to Pipe's town, 342; again painted 
black, ib.; starts for the Shawanese 
towns, ib.; strikes for l'rberty, 343; 
his escape and return to Fort Pitt, 369, 
et seq. ; remains at Pittsburg until the 
close of the war, 373 5 his marriage 
and death, 374; he had been pen- 
sioned, ib. 

Knight's Narrative, cited, 4, 70, 77, 90, 
141, 163, 167, 173, 181,203,217, 

"3, 3 TI > .34°» 3 6 9> 37°, 373> 379? 
3875 its history, 323-326. 

Langdon, Woodbury, 307. 
La Salle, the adventurer, 147. 
Lashley, Alexander, 250. 
Leatherlips, a Wyandot chief, 186. 



Leet, Daniel, elected brigade-major, 77 ; 
biographical sketch, 124, 1255 his 
bravery, 207 5 commands a division, 
219, 220; returns home, 296. 

Leith, Geo. W. 1795 John, biographical 
sketch of, 178, 179; Samuel, 179. 

Leith's Narrative, 165, 175 176, 180, 

2 35j 2 3 6 > 3*7, 3 28 - 
Lemoyne, Dr. F. J. 282. 
Lenni Lenape, 330, 357. 
Leonard, Patrick, 134. 
Levallie, Francis, 192. 
Lewis, Colonel Andrew, 99, 100. 
Lincoln, Major-General B., Secretary of 

War, 259, 262, 268, 274, 278, 279, 

280. 
" Little Eagle," 32. 
Little Sandusky creek, 146, 151, 152. 
Lochry, Colonel Archibald, 10, 43, 111. 
Logan, the Mingo chief, 30, 31, 200. 
" Log Cabin school " (Rev. Thaddeus 

Dodd's), 255. 
Longstreet, Aaron, 231, 232. 
Loskiel's His. Miss., cited and criticised, 

72, 78, 155, 260; cited and approved, 

54, i?3- 

Lower Sandusky, 11, 153, 159, 165, 169, 

174, 175, "9'j J 9 2 > J 97> 216, 235, 

*3 6 , 26 4, 3 2 7- 
Lowry, Sally, 179. 
Lucas, John, 248. 
Lyon, John, 72, 74, 121. 

Mac-a-chack, a Shawanese town, 354, 

375- 
Mac-a-cheek (Mac-a-chack), 354. 
Map of Crawford County, Ohio, 168. 
Map of Wyandot County, Ohio, 154, 162, 

174. 
Marshal, James, 23, 24, 28, 44, 45, 50, 

5 1 , 57, 7°, 74, 123, 124, 134, 136, 

216, 241, 256, 258, 265, 275,276, 

277, 278, 279. 
Martin, "a mulatto boy," 118. 
Mc Bride's Pioneer Biography, 10, 367. 
McCaddon, John, 231. 
McClelland, John, elected field-major, 

77; biographical sketch, 123, 124; 

leads the retreat, 221; wounded, ib. ; 

body recognized by Slover, 346. 
McClung, John A. 232; his Sketches of 

Western Adventure, ib. 
McCormick, Alexander, 166, 189, 191. 
McCormick, Anne, 117; Effie (daughter 

of Colonel Crawford), 113, 117, 118; 

William, 113, 1 17. 






/ 






T 



400 



Index. 



hostility, 170; his subsequent career, 
171, et seq. ; marches to aid the Wyan- 
dots, 172; his advance, 206 5 skillful 
maneuver of, 207, et sea.; sends for 
Crawford, 3295 cheats the Half King, 
330; enraged against the prisoners, 
3335 arrives at Upper Sandusky Old 
Town, 334; faints the prisoners black, 
ib. ; greets Crawford, but paints bim 
black, 335; guards him and Knight 
towards the Tymochtee, ib. ; Girty 
fails to intercede with, in behalf of 
Crawford, 337; his barbarity accounted 
for, 338, 339; he and Wingenund 
alone responsible, 340 ; his subsequent 
excuse, 341 ; makes a speech at Craw- 
ford's torture, 382. 
Pipe's town, 167, 168, 169, 174, 180, 
194, 206, 329, 335, 336, 341, 342, 

3 6 9> 3S7. 
Pirtle, Hon. Henry, 108. 
Pittsburg, 3, 10, 12, 40, 47, 94, 126, 

*3 2 > 133. *57. 177, *79> l8 3> l8 4> 
254, 297, 298, 302, 303, 325, 363. 

Pittsburg Gazette, 32 q. 

Plains, see Sandusky Plains. 

Poe, Adam, 270-274; Andrew, 270- 

*73- 
Pointer, Jonathan, 385. 
Pollock, Major, 133. 
Pollock, William, 276. 
Pomoacan (the Half King), 163, 190, 

3 2 9- 
" Pontiac's War," 169, 170, 183. 
Portage between the Sandusky and Scioto, 

146, 152. 
Porter, Sergeant, 279. 
Pratt, Captain (British), 276, 277. 
Price, Miss Mary, 135. 

Rankin, 284—287. 

Redstone Old Fort (Brownsville), 67, 

362. 
Reily, John, 256. 
Reno, William, 325. 
Reply of Crawford, 106. 
Reynolds, Alex. 282 ; James, ib. 
Reynolds, spirited reply of, 195. 
Rhea, Audley, 247. 
Richey, William, 385, 386. 
Ring hunt, 150, 151. 
Ritchie, Captain Craig, 76, 135, 211, 

248, 256. 
Bobbins, a trader, 192. 
Rodgers, Daniel, 290. 
Rodgers, John, 138, 237. 



Rogers' Amer. Biog. 20, 31. 

Rollins, Aaron, 248. 

Rose, Lieutenant John, aid to Colonel 
Crawford, 77 ; spared by Irvine for the 
campaign, 118; his eulogy of William- 
son, 121 ; his first appearance in the 
American army, 130; his story, ib. ; 
he is appointed surgeon, ib. ; becomes 
the warm friend of Irvine, 131; leaves 
the army and joins the navy, ib. ; he 
is taken prisoner, ib. ; exchanged, and 
again joins the army, 132; appointed 
aid to Irvine, with rank of lieutenant, 
ib.; accompanies Irvine to Pittsburg, 
ib. ; arrives at Mingo Bottom, 133, et 
seq.; his gallantry in face of the enemy, 
206; his martial appearance, 207; 
pursued by mounted Indians, 210 ; 
aids Williamson upon the retreat, 2245 
his good conduct at the battle of Olen- 
tangy, 2345 writes to Irvine from 
Mingo Bottom, 242, 2445 returns to 
Fort Pitt, 296; subsequent career in 
America, 297, et seq.; makes known 
to Irvine bis true history, 299, et seq.; 
returns to Europe, 300; made Grand 
Marshal of Livonia, ib. ; his death, 
301 ; known as " Major," 311. 

Rosenthal, Gustavus H. de(' ; Rose"), 
299, 300, 301, 310. 

Ross, Captain, 76, 212. 

Ross^ James, 75. 

Ross, William, 248. 

Safford's Records Revolutionary War, 112. 

Salem, 9, 1 39, 140. 

Sandusky Expeditions : Mcintosh's ex- 
pedition, 6, et seq.; its failure, 7, 8 j 
Clark's, 10; its abandonment, 11; 
Gibson's, ib'. ; given up, ib. ; another 
suggested, 51; considered by Irvine, 
52; he sends out a reconnoitering 
party, ib.; its failure, 53; Irvine's 
precaution concerning the enterprise, 
ib. ; not combined with the new state 
scheme, 54; Irvine's power to act con- 
cerning, 55 ; conditions precedent, 56; 
what aid he could furnish, 57; the 
country people clamorous, ib. ; Irvine 
consents to the project, 58 ; arrange- 
ments agreed upon, 59 ; executive of 
Pennsylvania notified, ib. ; the project 
not irruptive, 60; the necessity for the 
expedition, ?£. ,• a stimulant unnecessary 
to induce volunteering for, 61 ; excite- 
ment concerning, 62; the place of 



Index. 



399 



McCoy, James, 247. 

McCulloch, Majoi, 45. 

McCutchen, Joseph, Notes of, in Amer. 

Pioneer, 229, 230, 337, 338, 384, 385. 
McDonald, Alexander, 248. 
McDonald's Biog. Sketches, 188. 
McFadden, Mrs. Agnes, 287. 
McFall, John, 367. 
McGeehan, elected captain, 75. 
Mcintosh, Brigadier-General Lachlin, 5, 

10, 106, 109, 124, 188, 2545 MS. 

Order-Book of, 6, 1 09, 348. 
McfCean, Thomas, 307. 
McKee, Alex. 177, 184, 189, 198, 350, 

351- 

McKee, Nancy, 117. 

McKenzie, Dr. 125. 

McKinly, John, 331, 336. 

" McKnight, Dr." 38S. 

McMasters, Ensign, 76. 

McMillan, Hon. John, 15. 

Meason, Isaac, 295. 

Mem. [list. Soc. Penn. 342, 361. 

Miffiin, Governur, 308. 

Miller. John, elected captain, 76. 

Miller, Robert, 249. 

Mills, Thomas, 292, 293. 

Mingo Bottom, 59, 62, 63, 133, 136, 
241, 244. 

Missionary establishments, see Moravian 
Indian villages. 

Monongahela river, 24, 40, 62, 67, 84, 
88, 261." 

Monongalia county, Va. 14, 44, 46, 109, 
262. 

Monteur, Andrew, 255 ; John, ib. 

Moore, Thomas, 261. 

Moore, William, Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania, 14, 59, 60, 122, 172, 241, 243, 

26 9, 33 1 , 3.7 3, 39*- 
Moravian Indians, see Christian Indians. 
Moravian missionaries, 3, 5, 9, 10, 36, 

37, 55> 7°, i5*> x 5 6 , l 7°, Hh 189, 

190, 191, 192, 193, 219. 
Moravian Indian villages, 3, 9, 36, 38, 

122, 137, 138, 139, 152, 156, 159, 

160, 176, 179, 241. 
Moravian towns, see Moravian Indian 

villages. 
Morgan, George, 3. 
Morgan, Major-General Daniel, 88. 
xMountz, Providence, 116. 
Munn, elected captain, 75; wounded, 

212. 
Munro, Andrew, 248. 
Murray, Charles, 198. 



Muskingum river, 3, 6, 8, 9, 37, 38, 

139, 140, 152, 161, 167. 169, 170, 

176, 177, 189, 240, 32c, 321, 365, 
37-, 373, 377- 

Nace, G. 213. 

Nevilip, John, 3, 5. 

Newman, John, see "John Newman." 

New Schonbrun, 9, 139, 140, 160. 

New State scheme, 12, 53, 54. 

Nicholl, [ames, 247. 

N'chol. Ihomas, 282. 

NTmmons, Will am, 259, 281. 

Ove.Fs lake, 14?. 

Ogle, elec ed captain, 765 killed, 212, 

213. 
Or;io county, Va. 14, 44, ^6, 73, 74, 92, 

109. 
Olden Time, The, 20. 
Oltrr.Uiioy creek, 149, 150, 233. 
Otr, John, 221. 

'• Pan-handle, Va." 14, 41, 67. 

Paris/., Joseph, 247. 

Parkman, Frai.ci. , 83. 

Paijcerson's. HLt. Bcck'woous, 79. 

Patrick, Peter, 247. 

Paull, Georre, 302 j George, Jr. 368; 
Jame.-, 66} a sorrowful parti tig, 67; 
recollections of, 76; in the advance 
company, 139, remembers the route 
from Mingo Bottom, iooj lost sight 
or' by Sherrard, 288 ; separated from 
the army, 31S j his wanderings home- 
ward, 318, ct seq. ; a burnt foot, 321; 
ambushed, 322; e-capes, ib. ; a bio- 
graphical sketch. 362. et seq. } his es- 
cape from the Indians and return home, 
364, et seq.; hia subsequent career, 
367, et seq. ,• his death, 368 ; Recollec- 
tions, MS., ib. ; Pauli, Joseph, Notes 
of, 66; he still survives (1872), 368. 

Penn. Archives, cited, 59, 241 ; compiled 
by Hazard, 78. 

Penn. Jour, and Weekly Ad. 234, 235, 
259, 260, 348. 

Penn. Packet, 35, 37, 269, 348. 

Pentecost, Dorsey, 58, 59, 97, 101, 122, 
216, 241, 243, 259. 

Perkins' Annais of the West, 79. 

Peterson. Peter, 249. 

Peyster, Arentz Schuyler de, 2, 159, 173, 
180, 189, 191, 192, 352. 

Pipe, Captain, 169; upon the Tymoch- 
tee, ib. ,• early history of, ib. ,• his 



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